Part 2, Chapter 9

17 无知即力量、战争即和平

Winston was gelatinous with fatigue. Gelatinous was the right word. It had come into his head spontaneously. His body seemed to have not only the weakness of a jelly, but its translucency. He felt that if he held up his hand he would be able to see the light through it. All the blood and lymph had been drained out of him by an enormous debauch of work, leaving only a frail structure of nerves, bones, and skin. All sensations seemed to be magnified. His overalls fretted his shoulders, the pavement tickled his feet, even the opening and closing of a hand was an effort that made his joints creak.

温斯顿累得人都冻胶了。“冻胶”，是个很确切的字眼。它是自动在他脑海中出现的。他的身体不但象冻胶那么软，而且象冻胶那么半透明。他觉得要是举起手来，他就可以看透另一面的光。大量的工作把他全身的血液和淋巴液都挤干了，只剩下神经、骨骼、皮肤所组成的脆弱架子。所有的知觉都很敏感。穿上制服，肩膀感到重压；走在路上，脚底感到酸痛；甚至手掌的一张一合也造成关节咯咯的响。

He had worked more than ninety hours in five days. So had everyone else in the Ministry. Now it was all over, and he had literally nothing to do, no Party work of any description, until tomorrow morning. He could spend six hours in the hiding-place and another nine in his own bed. Slowly, in mild afternoon sunshine, he walked up a dingy street in the direction of Mr Charrington's shop, keeping one eye open for the patrols, but irrationally convinced that this afternoon there was no danger of anyone interfering with him. The heavy brief-case that he was carrying bumped against his knee at each step, sending a tingling sensation up and down the skin of his leg. Inside it was the book, which he had now had in his possession for six days and had not yet opened, nor even looked at.

他在五天之内工作了九十多个小时。部里的人都是如此。现在工作已经结束，到明天早上以前，他几乎无事可做，任何党的工作都没有。他可以在那个秘密的幽会地方呆六个小时，然后回自己家中的床上睡九个小时。在下午温煦的阳光照沐下，他沿着一条肮脏的街道，朝着却林顿先生的铺子慢慢地走去，一边留神注意着有没有巡逻队，一边又毫无理由地认为这天下午不会有人来打扰他。他的公文包沉甸甸的，每走一步就碰一下他的膝盖，使他的大腿的皮肤感到上下一阵发麻。公文包里放着那本书，他到手已有六天了，可是还没有打开来过，甚至连看一眼也没有看过。

On the sixth day of Hate Week, after the processions, the speeches, the shouting, the singing, the banners, the posters, the films, the waxworks, the rolling of drums and squealing of trumpets, the tramp of marching feet, the grinding of the caterpillars of tanks, the roar of massed planes, the booming of guns -- after six days of this, when the great orgasm was quivering to its climax and the general hatred of Eurasia had boiled up into such delirium that if the crowd could have got their hands on the 2,000 Eurasian war-criminals who were to be publicly hanged on the last day of the proceedings, they would unquestionably have torn them to pieces -- at just this moment it had been announced that Oceania was not after all at war with Eurasia. Oceania was at war with Eastasia. Eurasia was an ally.

仇恨周已进行了六天，在这六天里，天天是游行，演讲、呼喊、歌唱、旗帜、标语、电影、蜡像、敲鼓、吹号、齐步前进、坦克咯咯、飞机轰鸣、炮声隆隆。在这六天里，群众的情绪激动得到了最高峰。大家对欧亚国的仇恨沸腾得到了发狂的程度，要是在那最后一天要公开绞死的二千名欧亚国战俘落入群众之手的话，他们毫无疑问地会被撕成粉碎。就在这个时候忽然宣布，大洋国并没有在同欧亚国作战。大洋国是在同东亚国作战。欧亚国是个盟国。

There was, of course, no admission that any change had taken place. Merely it became known, with extreme suddenness and everywhere at once, that Eastasia and not Eurasia was the enemy.

当然，没有人承认发生过什么变化。只不过是极其突然地，一下子到处都让人知道了：敌人是东亚国，不是欧亚国。

Winston was taking part in a demonstration in one of the central London squares at the moment when it happened. It was night, and the white faces and the scarlet banners were luridly floodlit. The square was packed with several thousand people, including a block of about a thousand schoolchildren in the uniform of the Spies. On a scarlet-draped platform an orator of the Inner Party, a small lean man with disproportionately long arms and a large bald skull over which a few lank locks straggled, was haranguing the crowd. A little Rumpelstiltskin figure, contorted with hatred, he gripped the neck of the microphone with one hand while the other, enormous at the end of a bony arm, clawed the air menacingly above his head. His voice, made metallic by the amplifiers, boomed forth an endless catalogue of atrocities, massacres, deportations, lootings, rapings, torture of prisoners, bombing of civilians, lying propaganda, unjust aggressions, broken treaties. It was almost impossible to listen to him without being first convinced and then maddened. At every few moments the fury of the crowd boiled over and the voice of the speaker was drowned by a wild beast-like roaring that rose uncontrollably from thousands of throats. The most savage yells of all came from the schoolchildren. The speech had been proceeding for perhaps twenty minutes when a messenger hurried on to the platform and a scrap of paper was slipped into the speaker's hand. He unrolled and read it without pausing in his speech. Nothing altered in his voice or manner, or in the content of what he was saying, but suddenly the names were different. Without words said, a wave of understanding rippled through the crowd. Oceania was at war with Eastasia! The next moment there was a tremendous commotion. The banners and posters with which the square was decorated were all wrong! Quite half of them had the wrong faces on them. It was sabotage! The agents of Goldstein had been at work! There was a riotous interlude while posters were ripped from the walls, banners torn to shreds and trampled underfoot. The Spies performed prodigies of activity in clambering over the rooftops and cutting the streamers that fluttered from the chimneys. But within two or three minutes it was all over. The orator, still gripping the neck of the microphone, his shoulders hunched forward, his free hand clawing at the air, had gone straight on with his speech. One minute more, and the feral roars of rage were again bursting from the crowd. The Hate continued exactly as before, except that the target had been changed.

温斯顿当时正在伦敦的一个市中心广场参加示威。时间是在夜里，人们的苍白的脸和鲜红的旗帜都沐浴在强烈的泛光灯灯光里。广场里挤满了好几千人，其中有一批大约一千名学童，穿着少年侦察队的制服，集中在一起。在用红布装饰的台上，一个核心党的党员在发表演讲，他是个瘦小的人，胳臂却长得出奇，与身材不合比例，光秃的大脑袋上只有少数几绺头发。他是个象神话中的小妖精式人物，满腔仇恨，一手抓着话筒，一手张牙舞爪地在头顶上挥舞，这只手长在瘦瘦的胳臂上，显得特别粗大。他的讲话声音从扩大器中传出来，特别洪亮刺耳，没完没了地列举一些暴行、屠杀、驱逐、抢劫、强xx、虐待俘虏、轰炸平民、撒谎宣传、无端侵略、撕毁条约的罪状。听了以后无法不相信他，也无法不感到愤怒。隔几分钟，群众的情绪就激愤起来，讲话人的声音就被淹没在好几千人不可控制地提高嗓门喊出来的野兽般咆哮之中。最野蛮的喊叫声来自那些学童。那人大约已经讲了有二十分钟的时候，有一个通讯员急急忙忙地走上了讲台，把一张纸递到讲话人的手里。他打开那张纸，一边继续讲话，一边看了那张纸。他的声音和态度都一点也没有变，他讲话的内容也一点没有变，但是突然之间，名字却变了。不需要说什么话，群众都明白了，好象一阵浪潮翻过去似的。大洋国是在同东亚国打仗！接着就发生了一场大混乱。广场上挂的旗帜、招贴都错了！其中一半所画的脸就不对。这是破坏！这是果尔德施坦因的特务搞的！于是大家乱哄哄地把招贴从墙上揭下来，把旗帜撕得粉碎，踩在脚下。少年侦察队的表现特别精采，他们爬上了屋顶，把挂在烟囱上的横幅剪断。不过在两三分钟之内，这一切就都结束了。讲话的人仍抓着话筒，向前耸着肩膀，另外一只手在头上挥舞，继续讲话。再过一分钟，群众中又爆发出一阵愤怒的吼声。仇恨继续进行，一如既往，只是已换了对象。

The thing that impressed Winston in looking back was that the speaker had switched from one line to the other actually in midsentence, not only without a pause, but without even breaking the syntax. But at the moment he had other things to preoccupy him. It was during the moment of disorder while the posters were being torn down that a man whose face he did not see had tapped him on the shoulder and said, 'Excuse me, I think you've dropped your brief-case.' He took the brief-case abstractedly, without speaking. He knew that it would be days before he had an opportunity to look inside it.

温斯顿后来回顾起来感到印象深刻的是，那个讲话的人居然是在一句话讲到一半的时候转换对象的，不仅没有停顿一下，甚至连句子结构都没有打乱。不过当时有另外的事情分了他的心。那是发生在揭招贴的混乱的时候，有一个人连长得怎么样他也没有瞧清，拍拍他的肩膀说，“对不起，你大概把你的公文包丢了。”他二话不说，心不在焉地把公文包接了过来。他知道要过好几天才有机会看公文包里的东西。

The instant that the demonstration was over he went straight to the Ministry of Truth, though the time was now nearly twenty-three hours. The entire staff of the Ministry had done likewise. The orders already issuing from the telescreen, recalling them to their posts, were hardly necessary.

示威一结束，他就回到真理部里，尽管已经快二十三点了。部里的全体工作人员也都已回来。电幕上已经发出指示，要他们回到工作岗位，不过完全没有必要发这指示。

Oceania was at war with Eastasia: Oceania had always been at war with Eastasia. A large part of the political literature of five years was now completely obsolete. Reports and records of all kinds, newspapers, books, pamphlets, films, sound-tracks, photographs -- all had to be rectified at lightning speed. Although no directive was ever issued, it was known that the chiefs of the Department intended that within one week no reference to the war with Eurasia, or the alliance with Eastasia, should remain in existence anywhere. The work was overwhelming, all the more so because the processes that it involved could not be called by their true names.

大洋国在同东亚国作战：大洋国一向是在同东亚国作战。五年来的政治文籍现在有一大部分完全要作废了。各种各样的报告、记录、报纸、书籍、小册子、电影、录音带、照片——这一切都得以闪电速度加以改正。虽然没有发出明确指示，不过大家都知道，纪录司的首长要在一个星期之内做到任何地方都没有留下曾经提到与欧亚国打过仗，同东亚国结过盟的材料。工作吓人，尤其是因为这件事不能明说。

Everyone in the Records Department worked eighteen hours in the twenty-four, with two three-hour snatches of sleep. Mattresses were brought up from the cellars and pitched all over the corridors: meals consisted of sandwiches and Victory Coffee wheeled round on trolleys by attendants from the canteen. Each time that Winston broke off for one of his spells of sleep he tried to leave his desk clear of work, and each time that he crawled back sticky-eyed and aching, it was to find that another shower of paper cylinders had covered the desk like a snowdrift, half burying the speakwrite and overflowing on to the floor, so that the first job was always to stack them into a neat enough pile to give him room to work. What was worst of all was that the work was by no means purely mechanical. Often it was enough merely to substitute one name for another, but any detailed report of events demanded care and imagination. Even the geographical knowledge that one needed in transferring the war from one part of the world to another was considerable.

纪录司人人都一天工作十八小时，分两次睡觉，一次睡三小时。地下室里搬来了床垫，在走廊里到处都铺开了。吃饭由食堂服务员用小车推来，吃的是夹肉面包和胜利牌咖啡。温斯顿每次停下工作去睡一小时，总尽量把桌面上的工作处理干净，但每次他睡眼惺忪、腰酸背痛地回来时，桌上又是文件山积，几乎把听写器也掩没了，还掉落在地上，因此第一件事就是把它们好歹整理一下，好腾出地方来工作。最糟糕的是，这项工作一点也不是纯粹机械性的。尽管在大多数的情况下，这不过是更换一下名字，但是一些详细的报导就需要你十分仔细，需要你发挥想象力。为了要把战争从世界上的这一地区挪到另外一个地区，你所需要的地理知识也很惊人。

By the third day his eyes ached unbearably and his spectacles needed wiping every few minutes. It was like struggling with some crushing physical task, something which one had the right to refuse and which one was nevertheless neurotically anxious to accomplish. In so far as he had time to remember it, he was not troubled by the fact that every word he murmured into the speakwrite, every stroke of his ink-pencil, was a deliberate lie. He was as anxious as anyone else in the Department that the forgery should be perfect. On the morning of the sixth day the dribble of cylinders slowed down. For as much as half an hour nothing came out of the tube; then one more cylinder, then nothing. Everywhere at about the same time the work was easing off. A deep and as it were secret sigh went through the Department. A mighty deed, which could never be mentioned, had been achieved. It was now impossible for any human being to prove by documentary evidence that the war with Eurasia had ever happened. At twelve hundred it was unexpectedly announced that all workers in the Ministry were free till tomorrow morning. Winston, still carrying the brief-case containing the book, which had remained between his feet while he worked and under his body while he slept, went home, shaved himself, and almost fell asleep in his bath, although the water was barely more than tepid.

到第三天，他的眼睛痛得无法忍受，每隔几分钟就需要把眼镜擦一擦。这好象是在努力完成一顷繁重的体力工作，你有权利拒绝不干，但又急于想完成，这种心情甚至是有点神经质的。如果他有时间来记的话，对于他在听写器上说的每一句话，他的墨水铅笔的每一笔勾划都是蓄意说谎这一点，他并不感到不安。他象司里的每一个人一样，竭力想把谎话圆得很完美。到第六天早晨，纸条慢慢地减少了。有半小时之久，气力传送管里没有送东西出来。后来又送来一条，接着就没有了。几乎在同一时候，到处工作都搞完了。整个司里的人都深深地——也是暗地里——松了一口气。完成了一项伟大的任务，但是谁也不会提到这件事。现在无论哪一个人都无法用文件来证明曾经同欧亚国打过仗。到十二点钟的时候突然宣布全部工作人员放假到明天早晨。温斯顿在工作的时候，把那装着那本书的公文包放在两只脚之间，睡觉的时候放在枕头下，这时就提着它回了家，刮了胡子，洗了一个澡，尽管水不热，几乎一边洗一边就在澡盆里睡着了。

With a sort of voluptuous creaking in his joints he climbed the stair above Mr Charrington's shop. He was tired, but not sleepy any longer. He opened the window, lit the dirty little oilstove and put on a pan of water for coffee. Julia would arrive presently: meanwhile there was the book. He sat down in the sluttish armchair and undid the straps of the brief-case.

他爬上却林顿先生铺子楼梯时，全身关节咯咯作响。他很疲倦，但是已没有睡意。他打开窗户，点燃了肮脏的小煤油炉，放了一壶水在上面准备烧咖啡。裘莉亚马上就来；同时还有那本书。他在那张邋遢的沙发上坐下来，把公文包的搭扣带松开。

A heavy black volume, amateurishly bound, with no name or title on the cover. The print also looked slightly irregular. The pages were worn at the edges, and fell apart, easily, as though the book had passed through many hands. The inscription on the title-page ran:

这是一本黑面厚书，自己装订的，封面上没有书名或作者名字。印刷的字体也有点不规则。书页边上都有点揉烂了，很容易掉页，看来这本书已转了好几个人之手。书名扉页上印的是：

THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF

《寡头政治集体主义的理论与实践》

OLIGARCHICAL COLLECTIVISM

by

Emmanuel Goldstein

爱麦虞埃尔果尔德施坦因著

Winston began reading:

温斯顿开始阅读。

Chapter I

第一章

Ignorance is Strength

无知即力量

Throughout recorded time, and probably since the end of the Neolithic Age, there have been three kinds of people in the world, the High, the Middle, and the Low. They have been subdivided in many ways, they have borne countless different names, and their relative numbers, as well as their attitude towards one another, have varied from age to age: but the essential structure of society has never altered. Even after enormous upheavals and seemingly irrevocable changes, the same pattern has always reasserted itself, just as a gyroscope will always return to equilibrium, however far it is pushed one way or the other.

有史以来，大概自从新石器时代结束以来，世上就有三种人，即上等人、中等人、下等人。他们又再进一步分为好几种，有各种各样不同的名字，他们的相对人数和他们的相互态度因时代而异；但是社会的基本结构不变。即使在发生了大动荡和似乎无法挽回的变化以后，总又恢复原来的格局，好象陀螺仪总会恢复平衡一样，不管你把它朝哪个方向推着转。

The aims of these groups are entirely irreconcilable...

这三种人的目标是完全不可调和的……

Winston stopped reading, chiefly in order to appreciate the fact that he was reading, in comfort and safety. He was alone: no telescreen, no ear at the keyhole, no nervous impulse to glance over his shoulder or cover the page with his hand. The sweet summer air played against his cheek. From somewhere far away there floated the faint shouts of children: in the room itself there was no sound except the insect voice of the clock. He settled deeper into the arm-chair and put his feet up on the fender. It was bliss, it was eternity. Suddenly, as one sometimes does with a book of which one knows that one will ultimately read and re-read every word, he opened it at a different place and found himself at Chapter III. He went on reading:

温斯顿停了下来，主要是为了要享受一下这样的感觉：他是在舒服和安全的环境中读书。他独处一室，没有电幕，隔墙无耳，不需要神经紧张地张望一下背后有没有人在偷看，或者急忙用手把书掩上。夏天的甜蜜空气吻着他的双颊。远处不知什么地方传来了孩子们的隐隐约约的叫喊声。屋子里面，除了时钟滴嗒之外，寂然无声。他在沙发上再躺下一些，把脚搁在壁炉挡架上。这真是神仙般的生活，但愿能永生永世地过下去。在你搞到一本你知道最后总要一读再读的书的时候，你往往会无目的地翻开到一个地方，随便读一段；他现在也是这样，翻开的地方正好是第三章。于是他又读了下去：

. Chapter III

第三章

War is Peace

战争即和平

The splitting up of the world into three great super-states was an event which could be and indeed was foreseen before the middle of the twentieth century. With the absorption of Europe by Russia and of the British Empire by the United States, two of the three existing powers, Eurasia and Oceania, were already effectively in being. The third, Eastasia, only emerged as a distinct unit after another decade of confused fighting. The frontiers between the three super-states are in some places arbitrary, and in others they fluctuate according to the fortunes of war, but in general they follow geographical lines. Eurasia comprises the whole of the northern part of the European and Asiatic land-mass, from Portugal to the Bering Strait. Oceania comprises the Americas, the Atlantic islands including the British Isles, Australasia, and the southern portion of Africa. Eastasia, smaller than the others and with a less definite western frontier, comprises China and the countries to the south of it, the Japanese islands and a large but fluctuating portion of Manchuria, Mongolia, and Tibet.

世界分成三大超级国家是一件在二十世纪中叶前即可预料到的事情。俄国并吞了欧洲，美国并吞了英帝国以后。目前的三大强国就有了两个开始有效的存在：欧亚国和大洋国。第三个东亚国是在又经过十年混战以后出现的．这三个超级大国的边界，有些地方是任意划定的，另外一些地方视战争的一时胜负而有变化，但是总的来说，按地理界线而划分。欧亚国占欧亚大陆的整个北部，从葡萄牙到白令海峡。大洋国占南北美，大西洋各岛屿，包括英伦三岛，澳大利亚和非洲南部。东亚国较其他两国为小，占中国和中国以南诸国，日本各岛和满洲、蒙古、西藏大部，但经常有变化，其西部边界不甚明确。

In one combination or another, these three super-states are permanently at war, and have been so for the past twenty-five years. War, however, is no longer the desperate, annihilating struggle that it was in the early decades of the twentieth century. It is a warfare of limited aims between combatants who are unable to destroy one another, have no material cause for fighting and are not divided by any genuine ideological difference. This is not to say that either the conduct of war, or the prevailing attitude towards it, has become less bloodthirsty or more chivalrous. On the contrary, war hysteria is continuous and universal in all countries, and such acts as raping, looting, the slaughter of children, the reduction of whole populations to slavery, and reprisals against prisoners which extend even to boiling and burying alive, are looked upon as normal, and, when they are committed by one's own side and not by the enemy, meritorious. But in a physical sense war involves very small numbers of people, mostly highly-trained specialists, and causes comparatively few casualties. The fighting, when there is any, takes place on the vague frontiers whose whereabouts the average man can only guess at, or round the Floating Fortresses which guard strategic spots on the sea lanes. In the centres of civilization war means no more than a continuous shortage of consumption goods, and the occasional crash of a rocket bomb which may cause a few scores of deaths. War has in fact changed its character. More exactly, the reasons for which war is waged have changed in their order of importance. Motives which were already present to some small extent in the great wars of the early twentieth century have now become dominant and are consciously recognized and acted upon.

这三个超级国家永远是拉一个打一个，与这个结盟，与那个交战，过去二十五年以来一直如此。但是战争已不再象二十世纪初期几十年那种的你死我活的毁灭性斗争，而是交战双方之间的目标有限的交锋，因为双方都没有能力打败对方，也没有打仗的物质原因，更没有任何真正意识形态上的分歧，这并不是说，不论战争方式也好，对战争的态度也好，已不是那么残酷，或者比较侠义一些了。不是那样，相反，在所有三国之中，战争歇斯底里是长期持续、普遍存在的，象强xx、抢劫、杀戮儿童、奴役人民、对战俘进行报复，甚至烧死活埋，这样的事情都被视为家常便饭，若是我方而不是敌方所为，则更被认为为国尽忠，为民立功。但在实际上，战争影响所及只有少量的人，大多是有高度训练的专家，相对地来说，造成的伤亡较少。若有战争发生，一般都在遥远的边界，确切的地点一般人只能猜测而已，或者在守卫海道战略要冲的水上浮动堡垒附近。在文明的中心，战争的意义不过是消费品长期发生短缺．偶而掉下一颗火箭弹，造成几十人死亡，如此而已。事实上，战争已经改变了性质。确切地说，进行战争的原因的重要性次序已经改变。有些战争动机在二十世纪初期的几次大战中已经存在，只是程度较小，如今却占了支配的地位，得到有意识的承认和实行。

To understand the nature of the present war -- for in spite of the regrouping which occurs every few years, it is always the same war -- one must realize in the first place that it is impossible for it to be decisive. None of the three super-states could be definitively conquered even by the other two in combination. They are too evenly matched, and their natural defences are too formidable. Eurasia is protected by its vast land spaces. Oceania by the width of the Atlantic and the Pacific, Eastasia by the fecundity and industriousness of its inhabitants. Secondly, there is no longer, in a material sense, anything to fight about. With the establishment of self-contained economies, in which production and consumption are geared to one another, the scramble for markets which was a main cause of previous wars has come to an end, while the competition for raw materials is no longer a matter of life and death.

要了解目前的战争——尽管每隔几年友敌关系总要发生变化，但战争还是那场战争——的性质，我们首先必须认识到，这场战争是打不出一个结局来的。三个超级国家中的任何一国都不可能被任何两国的联盟所绝对打败。它们都势均力敌，天堑一般的防御条件不可逾越。欧亚国的屏障是大片陆地，大洋国是大西洋和太平洋，东亚国是居民的多产勤劳。其次，从物质意义上来说，已不再有打仗的动机。由于建立了自给自足的经济，生产与消费互相配合，争夺市场原来是以前战争的主要原因，现在已告结束，争夺原料也不再是生死攸关的事。

In any case each of the three super-states is so vast that it can obtain almost all the materials that it needs within its own boundaries. In so far as the war has a direct economic purpose, it is a war for labour power. Between the frontiers of the super-states, and not permanently in the possession of any of them, there lies a rough quadrilateral with its corners at Tangier, Brazzaville, Darwin, and Hong Kong, containing within it about a fifth of the population of the earth. It is for the possession of these thickly-populated regions, and of the northern ice-cap, that the three powers are constantly struggling. In practice no one power ever controls the whole of the disputed area. Portions of it are constantly changing hands, and it is the chance of seizing this or that fragment by a sudden stroke of treachery that dictates the endless changes of alignment.

反正这三个超级国家幅员都很广大，凡是所需资源几乎都可以在本国疆界之内获得。如果战争还有什么直接经济目的的话，那就是争夺劳动力了。在三个超级国家之间，大体上有一块四方形的地区，以丹吉尔、布拉柴维尔、达尔文港和香港为四个角，在这个地区里人口占全世界大约五分之一，这个地区从来没有长期属于任何一国。就是为了争夺这人口稠密的地区和北极的冰雪地带，三个大国不断地在角逐。实际上从来没有一个大国曾经控制过这个争夺地区的全部。其中部分地区曾经不断易手，所以造成友敌关系不断的改变，就是因为这样就有机会可以靠突然叛卖而争夺到一块地方。

All of the disputed territories contain valuable minerals, and some of them yield important vegetable products such as rubber which in colder climates it is necessary to synthesize by comparatively expensive methods. But above all they contain a bottomless reserve of cheap labour. Whichever power controls equatorial Africa, or the countries of the Middle East, or Southern India, or the Indonesian Archipelago, disposes also of the bodies of scores or hundreds of millions of ill-paid and hard-working coolies. The inhabitants of these areas, reduced more or less openly to the status of slaves, pass continually from conqueror to conqueror, and are expended like so much coal or oil in the race to turn out more armaments, to capture more territory, to control more labour power, to turn out more armaments, to capture more territory, and so on indefinitely. It should be noted that the fighting never really moves beyond the edges of the disputed areas. The frontiers of Eurasia flow back and forth between the basin of the Congo and the northern shore of the Mediterranean; the islands of the Indian Ocean and the Pacific are constantly being captured and recaptured by Oceania or by Eastasia; in Mongolia the dividing line between Eurasia and Eastasia is never stable; round the Pole all three powers lay claim to enormous territories which in fact are largely unihabited and unexplored: but the balance of power always remains roughly even, and the territory which forms the heartland of each super-state always remains inviolate. Moreover, the labour of the exploited peoples round the Equator is not really necessary to the world's economy. They add nothing to the wealth of the world, since whatever they produce is used for purposes of war, and the object of waging a war is always to be in a better position in which to wage another war. By their labour the slave populations allow the tempo of continuous warfare to be speeded up. But if they did not exist, the structure of world society, and the process by which it maintains itself, would not be essentially different.

这些争夺地区都有宝贵的矿藏，其中有些地方还生产重要的植物产品，例如橡胶，这在寒冷地带必须用成本较大的方法来人工合成。但是主要是这些地方有无穷无尽的廉价劳动力储备。不论哪一大国控制了赤道非洲，或者中东国家，或者南印度或者印度尼西亚群岛，手头也就掌握了几十亿报酬低廉、工作辛苦的苦力。这些地区的居民多多少少已经毫不掩饰地沦为奴隶，不断地在征服者中间换手，当作煤或石油一样使用，为的是要生产更多的军备，占领更多的领土，控制更多的劳动力，再生产更多的军备，占领更多的领土，控制更多的劳动力，如此周而复始，一而再再而三地继续下去，永无休止。应该指出，战争从来没有真正超出争夺地区的边缘。欧亚国的边界在刚果河盆地与地中海北岸之间伸缩，印度洋和太平洋的岛屿则不断被大洋国或东亚国轮流占领。在蒙古，欧亚国和东亚国的分界线从来没有稳定过。在北极周围，三大国都声称拥有广大领土，实际上这些地方都杳无人烟，未经勘探。不过力量对比却一直总保持大致上的平衡，每个超级国家的心脏地带一直总没有人侵犯过。此外，赤道一带被剥削人民的劳动力，对于世界经济来说，并非真正不可或缺。他们对世界财富并不增添什么，因为不论他们生产什么东西，都用于战争目的，而进行战争的目的总是争取能够处在一个较有利的地位以便进行另一场战争。这些奴隶人口的劳动力可以增快那场延续不断的战争的速率。但如果没有他们的存在，世界社会的结构，以及维持这种结构的方法，基本上不会有什么不同。

The primary aim of modern warfare (in accordance with the principles of doublethink, this aim is simultaneously recognized and not recognized by the directing brains of the Inner Party) is to use up the products of the machine without raising the general standard of living. Ever since the end of the nineteenth century, the problem of what to do with the surplus of consumption goods has been latent in industrial society. At present, when few human beings even have enough to eat, this problem is obviously not urgent, and it might not have become so, even if no artificial processes of destruction had been at work. The world of today is a bare, hungry, dilapidated place compared with the world that existed before 1914, and still more so if compared with the imaginary future to which the people of that period looked forward. In the early twentieth century, the vision of a future society unbelievably rich, leisured, orderly, and efficient -- a glittering antiseptic world of glass and steel and snow-white concrete -- was part of the consciousness of nearly every literate person. Science and technology were developing at a prodigious speed, and it seemed natural to assume that they would go on developing. This failed to happen, partly because of the impoverishment caused by a long series of wars and revolutions, partly because scientific and technical progress depended on the empirical habit of thought, which could not survive in a strictly regimented society. As a whole the world is more primitive today than it was fifty years ago. Certain backward areas have advanced, and various devices, always in some way connected with warfare and police espionage, have been developed, but experiment and invention have largely stopped, and the ravages of the atomic war of the nineteen-fifties have never been fully repaired. Nevertheless the dangers inherent in the machine are still there. From the moment when the machine first made its appearance it was clear to all thinking people that the need for human drudgery, and therefore to a great extent for human inequality, had disappeared. If the machine were used deliberately for that end, hunger, overwork, dirt, illiteracy, and disease could be eliminated within a few generations. And in fact, without being used for any such purpose, but by a sort of automatic process -- by producing wealth which it was sometimes impossible not to distribute -- the machine did raise the living standards of the average human being very greatly over a period of about fifty years at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries.

现代战争的重要目的(按照双重思想的原则，核心党里的指导智囊是既承认又不承认的)是尽量用完机器的产品而不提高一般的生活水平。自从十九世纪末叶以来，工业社会中就潜伏着如何处理剩余消费品的问题。在目前，很少人连饭也吃不饱，这个问题显然并不迫切，即使没有人为的破坏在进行，这个问题可能也不会迫切。今天的世界同1914年以前相比，是个贫瘠的、饥饿的、败破的地方，如果同那个时代的人所展望的未来世界相比，更其是如此。在二十世纪初期，凡是有文化的人的心目中，几乎莫不认为未来社会令人难以相信的富裕、悠闲，秩序井然、效率很高——这是一个由玻璃、钢筋、洁白的混凝土构成的晶莹夺目的世界。科学技术当时正在神速发展，一般人很自然地认为以后也会这样继续发展下去。但是后来却没有如此，一部分原因是长期不断的战争造成了贫困，一部分原因是科学技术的进步要依靠根据经验的思维习惯，而在一个严格管制的社会里，这种习惯是不能存在的。总的来说，今天的世界比五十年前原始。有些落后地区固然有了进步，不少技术——多少总是与战争和警察侦探活动有关——有了发展，但大部分试验和发明都停顿下来，五十年代原子战争所造成的破坏从来没有完全复原。尽管如此，机器所固有的危险仍旧存在。从机器问世之日起，凡是有识之士无不清楚，人类就不再需要从事辛劳的体力劳动了，因而在很大程度上也不再需要人与人之间保持不平等了。如果当初有意识地把机器用于这个目的，什么饥饿、过度的劳动、污秽、文盲、疾病都可以在几代之内一扫而空。事实上，在十九世纪末叶和二十世纪初叶相交之间的大约五十年里，机器虽然没有用于这样的目的，但是由于某种自动的过程，所生产的财富有时候不得不分配掉，客观上确实大大地提高了一般人的生活水平。

But it was also clear that an all-round increase in wealth threatened the destruction -- indeed, in some sense was the destruction -- of a hierarchical society. In a world in which everyone worked short hours, had enough to eat, lived in a house with a bathroom and a refrigerator, and possessed a motor-car or even an aeroplane, the most obvious and perhaps the most important form of inequality would already have disappeared. If it once became general, wealth would confer no distinction. It was possible, no doubt, to imagine a society in which wealth, in the sense of personal possessions and luxuries, should be evenly distributed, while power remained in the hands of a small privileged caste.

但同样清楚的是，财富的全面增长有毁灭——从某种意义上来说，的确是毁灭——等级社会的威胁。世界上如果人人都工作时间短、吃得好、住的房子有浴室和电冰箱，私人有汽车甚至飞机，那么最重要形式的不平等也许会早已消失了。财富一旦普及，它就不分彼此。没有疑问，可以设想有这样一个社会，从个人财物和奢侈品来说，财富是平均分配的，而权力仍留在少数特权阶层人物的手中。

But in practice such a society could not long remain stable. For if leisure and security were enjoyed by all alike, the great mass of human beings who are normally stupefied by poverty would become literate and would learn to think for themselves; and when once they had done this, they would sooner or later realize that the privileged minority had no function, and they would sweep it away. In the long run, a hierarchical society was only possible on a basis of poverty and ignorance. To return to the agricultural past, as some thinkers about the beginning of the twentieth century dreamed of doing, was not a practicable solution. It conflicted with the tendency towards mechanization which had become quasi-instinctive throughout almost the whole world, and moreover, any country which remained industrially backward was helpless in a military sense and was bound to be dominated, directly or indirectly, by its more advanced rivals.

但是实际上这种社会不能保持长期稳定。因为，如果人人都能享受闲暇和生活保障，原来由于贫困而愚昧无知的绝大多数人就会学习文化，就会独立思考；他们一旦做到这一点，迟早就会认识到少数特权阶层的人没有作用，他们就会把他们扫除掉。从长期来看，等级社会只有在贫困和无知的基础上才能存在。二十世纪初期有些思想家梦想恢复到过去的农业社会，那不是实际的解决办法。那同机械化的趋势相冲突，而后一个趋势在整个世界里都已几乎带有本能性质了，何况，任何国家要是工业落后，军事上就会束手无策，必然会被比较先进的敌国所直接或间接控制。

Nor was it a satisfactory solution to keep the masses in poverty by restricting the output of goods. This happened to a great extent during the final phase of capitalism, roughly between 1920 and 1940. The economy of many countries was allowed to stagnate, land went out of cultivation, capital equipment was not added to, great blocks of the population were prevented from working and kept half alive by State charity. But this, too, entailed military weakness, and since the privations it inflicted were obviously unnecessary, it made opposition inevitable. The problem was how to keep the wheels of industry turning without increasing the real wealth of the world. Goods must be produced, but they must not be distributed. And in practice the only way of achieving this was by continuous warfare.

用限制生产来保持群众贫困，也不是个令人满意的解决办法。在资本主义最后阶段，大概在1920年到1940年之间曾经大规模这么做过。许多国家听任经济停滞，土地休耕，资本设备不增，大批人口不给工作而由国家救济，保持半死半活。但这也造成军事上的孱弱，由于它所造成的贫困并无必要，必然会引起反对。因此问题是，如何维持经济的轮子继续转动而又不增加世界上的真正财富。物品必须生产，但不一定要分配出去。在实践中，要做到这一点的唯一办法是不断打仗。

The essential act of war is destruction, not necessarily of human lives, but of the products of human labour. War is a way of shattering to pieces, or pouring into the stratosphere, or sinking in the depths of the sea, materials which might otherwise be used to make the masses too comfortable, and hence, in the long run, too intelligent. Even when weapons of war are not actually destroyed, their manufacture is still a convenient way of expending labour power without producing anything that can be consumed. A Floating Fortress, for example, has locked up in it the labour that would build several hundred cargo-ships. Ultimately it is scrapped as obsolete, never having brought any material benefit to anybody, and with further enormous labours another Floating Fortress is built. In principle the war effort is always so planned as to eat up any surplus that might exist after meeting the bare needs of the population. In practice the needs of the population are always underestimated, with the result that there is a chronic shortage of half the necessities of life; but this is looked on as an advantage. It is deliberate policy to keep even the favoured groups somewhere near the brink of hardship, because a general state of scarcity increases the importance of small privileges and thus magnifies the distinction between one group and another. By the standards of the early twentieth century, even a member of the Inner Party lives an austere, laborious kind of life. Nevertheless, the few luxuries that he does enjoy his large, well-appointed flat, the better texture of his clothes, the better quality of his food and drink and tobacco, his two or three servants, his private motor-car or helicopter -- set him in a different world from a member of the Outer Party, and the members of the Outer Party have a similar advantage in comparison with the submerged masses whom we call 'the proles'. The social atmosphere is that of a besieged city, where the possession of a lump of horseflesh makes the difference between wealth and poverty. And at the same time the consciousness of being at war, and therefore in danger, makes the handing-over of all power to a small caste seem the natural, unavoidable condition of survival.

战争的基本行为就是毁灭，不一定是毁灭人的生命，而是毁灭人类的劳动产品。有些物资原来会使得群众生活得太舒服了，因而从长期来说，也会使得他们太聪明了，战争就是要把这些物资打得粉碎，化为轻烟，沉入海底。战争武器即使没有实际消耗掉，但继续制造它们，仍是一方面消耗劳动力而另一方面又不生产消费品的方便办法。例如水上浮动堡垒所耗劳动力可以制造好几百艘货轮。最后因为陈旧而把它拆卸成为废料，这对无论谁都没有物质上的好处，但为了建造新的水上浮动堡垒，却又要化大量劳动力。原则上，战争计划总是以在满足了本国人口最低需要后把可能剩余的物资耗尽为度。实际上，对于本国人口的需要，估计总是过低，结果就造成生活必需品有一半长期短缺；但这被认为是个有利条件。甚至对受到优待的一些阶层，也有意把他们保持在艰苦的边缘上徘徊，其所以采取这一方针，是因为在普遍匮乏的情况下，小小的特权就能够显得更加重要，从而扩大各个阶层间的差别。按二十世纪初期的标准来看，甚至核心党内人物的生活条件，也是够艰苦朴素的。但是，他所享有的少数奢侈条件——设备完善的宽敞住处、料子较好的衣著、质量较好的饮食烟酒、两三个仆人、私人汽车或直升飞机——使他所处境况与外围党员迥然不同，而外围党员同我们称为“无产者”的下层群众相比，又处在类似的有利地位。整个社会的气氛就是一个围城的气氛，谁有一块马肉就显出了贫富的差异。同时，因在打仗，自有危险，结果就是，要维持生存，把全部权力交给一个少数人阶层就自然成了不可避免的条件。

War, it will be seen, accomplishes the necessary destruction, but accomplishes it in a psychologically acceptable way. In principle it would be quite simple to waste the surplus labour of the world by building temples and pyramids, by digging holes and filling them up again, or even by producing vast quantities of goods and then setting fire to them. But this would provide only the economic and not the emotional basis for a hierarchical society. What is concerned here is not the morale of masses, whose attitude is unimportant so long as they are kept steadily at work, but the morale of the Party itself. Even the humblest Party member is expected to be competent, industrious, and even intelligent within narrow limits, but it is also necessary that he should be a credulous and ignorant fanatic whose prevailing moods are fear, hatred, adulation, and orgiastic triumph. In other words it is necessary that he should have the mentality appropriate to a state of war.

下文还要述及，战争不仅完成了必要的毁坏，而且所用方式在心理上是可以接受的。原则上，要浪费世上的剩余劳动力，尽可以修庙宇、盖殿堂、筑金字塔，挖了地洞再埋上，甚至先生产大量物品然后再付诸一炬。但这只能为等级社会提供经济基础，而不能提供感情基础。这里操心的不是群众的情绪，群众的态度无关紧要，只要他们保持不断工作就行；要操心的是党员的情绪。甚至最起码的党员，也要使他既有能力，又很勤快，在很有限的限度内还要聪明，但是他也必须是个容易轻信、盲目无知的狂热信徒，这种人的主导情绪是恐惧、仇恨、颂赞、欣喜若狂，换句话说，他的精神状态必须要同战争状态相适应。

It does not matter whether the war is actually happening, and, since no decisive victory is possible, it does not matter whether the war is going well or badly. All that is needed is that a state of war should exist. The splitting of the intelligence which the Party requires of its members, and which is more easily achieved in an atmosphere of war, is now almost universal, but the higher up the ranks one goes, the more marked it becomes. It is precisely in the Inner Party that war hysteria and hatred of the enemy are strongest. In his capacity as an administrator, it is often necessary for a member of the Inner Party to know that this or that item of war news is untruthful, and he may often be aware that the entire war is spurious and is either not happening or is being waged for purposes quite other than the declared ones: but such knowledge is easily neutralized by the technique of doublethink. Meanwhile no Inner Party member wavers for an instant in his mystical belief that the war is real, and that it is bound to end victoriously, with Oceania the undisputed master of the entire world.

战争是不是真的在打，这无关紧要。战争打得好打得坏，由于不可能有决定性的胜利，也无关紧要。需要的只是要保持战争状态的存在。党所要求于它党员的，是智力的分裂，这在战争的气氛中比较容易做到，因此现在已经几乎人人都是如此，地位越高，这种情况越显著。战争歇斯底里和对敌仇恨在核心党内最为强烈。核心党员担任行政领导，常常必须知道某一条战讯不确，他可能常常发现，整个战争是假的，或者根本没有发生，或者其目的完全不是所宣布的目的；但是这种知识很容易用双重思想的办法来加以消除。同时，核心党员都莫名其妙地相信战争是真的，最后必胜，大洋国将是全世界无可争议的主人，但他们决不会有人对这种信念会有片刻的动摇。

All members of the Inner Party believe in this coming conquest as an article of faith. It is to be achieved either by gradually acquiring more and more territory and so building up an overwhelming preponderance of power, or by the discovery of some new and unanswerable weapon. The search for new weapons continues unceasingly, and is one of the very few remaining activities in which the inventive or speculative type of mind can find any outlet. In Oceania at the present day, Science, in the old sense, has almost ceased to exist. In Newspeak there is no word for 'Science'. The empirical method of thought, on which all the scientific achievements of the past were founded, is opposed to the most fundamental principles of Ingsoc. And even technological progress only happens when its products can in some way be used for the diminution of human liberty. In all the useful arts the world is either standing still or going backwards. The fields are cultivated with horse-ploughs while books are written by machinery. But in matters of vital importance -- meaning, in effect, war and police espionage -- the empirical approach is still encouraged, or at least tolerated. The two aims of the Party are to conquer the whole surface of the earth and to extinguish once and for all the possibility of independent thought.

核心党员人人都相信这未来的胜利，把它当作一个信条。达到最后胜利的方法，或者是逐步攻占越来越多的领土，确立压倒优势的力量，或者是发明某种无敌新式武器。谋求发明新式武器工作继续不断，凡是有创造性头脑的人或者喜欢探索的人要为他们过剩的智力找个出路，这是极少数剩下来的活动之一。目前在大洋国，旧观念的科学几乎已不再存在。新话里没有“科学”这一词汇。过去所有的科学成就，其基础就是根据经验的思维方法，但是违反英社的最根本原则。甚至技术进步也只有在其产品能够在某种方式上用于减少人类自由时才能达到。在一切实用艺术方面，不是停滞不前，就是反而倒退了。土地由马拉犁耕种，而书籍却用机器写作。但在至关紧要的问题上——实际上就是说战争和警察侦探活动上——却仍鼓励经验的方法，或者至少是容忍这种方法的。党有两个目的，一个是征服整个地球，一个是永远消灭独立思考的可能性。

There are therefore two great problems which the Party is concerned to solve. One is how to discover, against his will, what another human being is thinking, and the other is how to kill several hundred million people in a few seconds without giving warning beforehand. In so far as scientific research still continues, this is its subject matter. The scientist of today is either a mixture of psychologist and inquisitor, studying with real ordinary minuteness the meaning of facial expressions, gestures, and tones of voice, and testing the truth-producing effects of drugs, shock therapy, hypnosis, and physical torture; or he is chemist, physicist, or biologist concerned only with such branches of his special subject as are relevant to the taking of life. In the vast laboratories of the Ministry of Peace, and in the experimental stations hidden in the Brazilian forests, or in the Australian desert, or on lost islands of the Antarctic, the teams of experts are indefatigably at work. Some are concerned simply with planning the logistics of future wars; others devise larger and larger rocket bombs, more and more powerful explosives, and more and more impenetrable armour-plating; others search for new and deadlier gases, or for soluble poisons capable of being produced in such quantities as to destroy the vegetation of whole continents, or for breeds of disease germs immunized against all possible antibodies; others strive to produce a vehicle that shall bore its way under the soil like a submarine under the water, or an aeroplane as independent of its base as a sailing-ship; others explore even remoter possibilities such as focusing the sun's rays through lenses suspended thousands of kilometres away in space, or producing artificial earthquakes and tidal waves by tapping the heat at the earth's centre.

因此党急于要解决的也有两个大问题。一个是如何在违背一个人本人意愿情况下发现他在想些什么，另外一个是如何在几秒钟之内未加警告就杀死好几亿人。如果说目前还有科学研究在进行的话，这就是研究的题目。今天的科学家只有两类。一类是心理学家兼刑讯官，他们能极其细致地研究一个人面部表情、姿态、声调变化的意义，试验药物、震荡疗法、催眠、拷打的逼供效果。另外一类是化学家、物理学家、生物学家，他们只关心自己专业中同杀人灭生有关的学科。在和平部的庞大实验室里，在巴西森林深处的试验站里，或者在澳大利亚的沙漠里，或者在南极的人迹不到的小岛上，一批批的专家们都在不知疲倦地工作。有的一心制订未来战争的后勤计划；有的在设计体积越来越大的火箭弹，威力越来越强的爆炸物，厚度越来越打不穿的装甲板；有的在寻找更致命的新毒气，或者一种可以大量生产足以灭绝整个大陆的植物的可溶毒药，或者繁殖不怕一切抗体的病菌；有的在努力制造一种象潜艇能在水下航行一样能在地下行驶的车辆，或者象轮船一样可以脱离基地而独立行动的飞机；有的在探索甚至更加可望而不可及的可能性。例如通过架在几千公里以外空间的透镜把太阳光束集中焦点，或者开发地球中心的热量来制造人为的地震和海啸。

But none of these projects ever comes anywhere near realization, and none of the three super-states ever gains a significant lead on the others. What is more remarkable is that all three powers already possess, in the atomic bomb, a weapon far more powerful than any that their present researches are likely to discover. Although the Party, according to its habit, claims the invention for itself, atomic bombs first appeared as early as the nineteen-forties, and were first used on a large scale about ten years later. At that time some hundreds of bombs were dropped on industrial centres, chiefly in European Russia, Western Europe, and North America. The effect was to convince the ruling groups of all countries that a few more atomic bombs would mean the end of organized society, and hence of their own power. Thereafter, although no formal agreement was ever made or hinted at, no more bombs were dropped. All three powers merely continue to produce atomic bombs and store them up against the decisive opportunity which they all believe will come sooner or later. And meanwhile the art of war has remained almost stationary for thirty or forty years. Helicopters are more used than they were formerly, bombing planes have been largely superseded by self-propelled projectiles, and the fragile movable battleship has given way to the almost unsinkable Floating Fortress; but otherwise there has been little development. The tank, the submarine, the torpedo, the machine gun, even the rifle and the hand grenade are still in use. And in spite of the endless slaughters reported in the Press and on the telescreens, the desperate battles of earlier wars, in which hundreds of thousands or even millions of men were often killed in a few weeks, have never been repeated.

但是这些计划没有一项曾经接近完成过，这三个超级国家没有一个能比别的两国占先一步。更使人奇怪的是，这三个大国由于有了原子弹，实际上已经拥有了一种武器，其威力比它们目前在从事研究的武器大得不知多少。虽然由于习惯使然，党总是说原子弹是它发明的，实际上原子弹早在1940年就问世了，十年后就首次大规模使用。那时在许多工业中心，主要是在欧俄、西欧、北美，扔下了几百个原子弹。结果使得所有国家的统治集团相信，再扔几个原子弹，有组织的社会就完了，那样他们的权力也就完了。自此以后，虽然没有签订什么正式协定，也没暗示有什么正式协定，原子弹就没有再扔。不过三大国还是继续制造原子弹，储存起来以备他们都相信迟早有一天要决战时使用。与此同时，三四十年之内战争艺术几乎没有什么进展。当然，直升飞机比以前的用途更广，轰炸机基本上为自动推进的投射体所代替，脆弱的军舰让位于几乎不沉的水上浮动堡垒，但除此以外，很少变化。坦克、潜艇、鱼雷、机枪、甚至步枪和手榴弹仍在使用。尽管报上和电幕上不断报道杀戮仍在无休无止的进行，但从来没有再重演过以前的战争中常常几个星期就杀死成千上万甚至几百万人的那样殊死大战。

None of the three super-states ever attempts any manoeuvre which involves the risk of serious defeat. When any large operation is undertaken, it is usually a surprise attack against an ally. The strategy that all three powers are following, or pretend to themselves that they are following, is the same. The plan is, by a combination of fighting, bargaining, and well-timed strokes of treachery, to acquire a ring of bases completely encircling one or other of the rival states, and then to sign a pact of friendship with that rival and remain on peaceful terms for so many years as to lull suspicion to sleep. During this time rockets loaded with atomic bombs can be assembled at all the strategic spots; finally they will all be fired simultaneously, with effects so devastating as to make retaliation impossible. It will then be time to sign a pact of friendship with the remaining world-power, in preparation for another attack. This scheme, it is hardly necessary to say, is a mere daydream, impossible of realization. Moreover, no fighting ever occurs except in the disputed areas round the Equator and the Pole: no invasion of enemy territory is ever undertaken. This explains the fact that in some places the frontiers between the superstates are arbitrary. Eurasia, for example, could easily conquer the British Isles, which are geographically part of Europe, or on the other hand it would be possible for Oceania to push its frontiers to the Rhine or even to the Vistula. But this would violate the principle, followed on all sides though never formulated, of cultural integrity. If Oceania were to conquer the areas that used once to be known as France and Germany, it would be necessary either to exterminate the inhabitants, a task of great physical difficulty, or to assimilate a population of about a hundred million people, who, so far as technical development goes, are roughly on the Oceanic level. The problem is the same for all three super-states. It is absolutely necessary to their structure that there should be no contact with foreigners, except, to a limited extent, with war prisoners and coloured slaves. Even the official ally of the moment is always regarded with the darkest suspicion. War prisoners apart, the average citizen of Oceania never sets eyes on a citizen of either Eurasia or Eastasia, and he is forbidden the knowledge of foreign languages. If he were allowed contact with foreigners he would discover that they are creatures similar to himself and that most of what he has been told about them is lies. The sealed world in which he lives would be broken, and the fear, hatred, and self-righteousness on which his morale depends might evaporate. It is therefore realized on all sides that however often Persia, or Egypt, or Java, or Ceylon may change hands, the main frontiers must never be crossed by anything except bombs.

三个超级国家都从来没有想采取会有严重失败危险的战略。凡要采取大规模的行动时，总对盟国进行突然袭击。三大国采取的战略，或者伪装采取的战略都是一样的。那就是用打仗、谈判、时机选得恰到好处的背信弃义等种种手段，获得一系列基地，把敌国完全包围起来，然后同该敌国签订友好条约，保持几年和平状态，使得对方麻痹大意放弃警惕。在这期间把装好的原子弹的火箭部署在一切战略要地，最后万箭齐发，使对方遭到致命破坏，根本不可能进行报复。这时便同另外剩下的那个世界大国签订友好条约，淮备另一次突然袭击。不用说，这种计划完全是做白日梦，不可能实现。此外，除了在赤道一带和北极局围的争夺地区之外，并没有发生过战事；对敌国领土也从来没有进犯过。这说明了超级国家之间有些地方的国界为什么是随意划定的。例如，欧亚国完全可以轻易地征服英伦三岛，后者在地理上是欧洲的一部分，另一方面，大洋国也可以把它的疆界推到莱菌河，甚至到维斯杜拉河。但是这就违反了文化统一的原则，这是各方面都遵循的原则，尽管没有明确规定。如果大洋国要征服原来一度称为法兰西和德意志的地方，这就需要或者消灭其全部居民，这项任务有极大的实际困难，或者同化大约为数一亿、就技术发展来说大致与大洋国同等水平的人民。三大超级国家的问题都是一样的。从它们结构来说，绝不能与外国人有任何来往，除非是同战俘或有色人种奴隶进行程度有限的来往。即使对当前的正式盟国也总是极不信任。除了战俘以外，大洋国普通公民从来没有见到过欧亚国或东亚国的一个公民，而且他也不得掌握外语。如果他有机会接触外国人，他就会发现外国人同他自己一样也是人，他所听到的关于外国人的话大部分都是谎言。他所生活的封闭天地就会打破，他的精神所依的恐惧、仇恨、自以为是就会化为乌有。因此三方面都认识到，不论波斯、埃及、爪哇、锡兰易手多么频仍，但除了炸弹以外，主要的疆界决不能越过。

Under this lies a fact never mentioned aloud, but tacitly understood and acted upon: namely, that the conditions of life in all three super-states are very much the same.

在这里面有一个事实从来没有大声提到过，但是大家都是默认的，并且一切行动都是根据它来采取的，那就是：三个超级国家的生活基本上相同。

In Oceania the prevailing philosophy is called Ingsoc, in Eurasia it is called Neo-Bolshevism, and in Eastasia it is called by a Chinese name usually translated as Death-Worship, but perhaps better rendered as Obliteration of the Self. The citizen of Oceania is not allowed to know anything of the tenets of the other two philosophies, but he is taught to execrate them as barbarous outrages upon morality and common sense.

大洋国实行的哲学叫英社原则，欧亚国叫新布尔什维主义，东亚国叫的是个中文名字，一般译为“崇死”，不过也许还是译为“灭我”为好。大洋国的公民不许知道其他两国的哲学信条，但是却受到憎恨的教育，把它们看作是对道德和常识的野蛮践踏。

Actually the three philosophies are barely distinguishable, and the social systems which they support are not distinguishable at all. Everywhere there is the same pyramidal structure, the same worship of semi-divine leader, the same economy existing by and for continuous warfare. It follows that the three super-states not only cannot conquer one another, but would gain no advantage by doing so. On the contrary, so long as they remain in conflict they prop one another up, like three sheaves of corn. And, as usual, the ruling groups of all three powers are simultaneously aware and unaware of what they are doing. Their lives are dedicated to world conquest, but they also know that it is necessary that the war should continue everlastingly and without victory. Meanwhile the fact that there is no danger of conquest makes possible the denial of reality which is the special feature of Ingsoc and its rival systems of thought. Here it is necessary to repeat what has been said earlier, that by becoming continuous war has fundamentally changed its character.

实际上这三种哲学很难区分，它们所拥护的社会制度也根本区别不开来。到处都有同样的金字塔式结构，同样的对一个半神领袖的崇拜，同样的靠战争维持和为战争服务的经济。因此，三个超级国家不仅不能征服对方，而且征服了也没有什么好处。相反，只要它们继续冲突，它们就等于互相支撑，就象三捆堆在一起的秫秸一样。而且总是那样，这三个大国的统治集团对于对方在干些什么又知道又不知道。他们一生致力于征服全世界，但是他们也知道，战争必须永远持续下去而不能有胜利。同时，由于没有被征服的危险，就有可能不顾现实，这是英社原则和它的敌对思想体系的特点。这里有必要再说一遍上面所说过的话，战争既然持续不断，就从根本上改变了自己的性质。

In past ages, a war, almost by definition, was something that sooner or later came to an end, usually in unmistakable victory or defeat. In the past, also, war was one of the main instruments by which human societies were kept in touch with physical reality. All rulers in all ages have tried to impose a false view of the world upon their followers, but they could not afford to encourage any illusion that tended to impair military efficiency. So long as defeat meant the loss of independence, or some other result generally held to be undesirable, the precautions against defeat had to be serious. Physical facts could not be ignored. In philosophy, or religion, or ethics, or politics, two and two might make five, but when one was designing a gun or an aeroplane they had to make four. Inefficient nations were always conquered sooner or later, and the struggle for efficiency was inimical to illusions. Moreover, to be efficient it was necessary to be able to learn from the past, which meant having a fairly accurate idea of what had happened in the past. Newspapers and history books were, of course, always coloured and biased, but falsification of the kind that is practised today would have been impossible. War was a sure safeguard of sanity, and so far as the ruling classes were concerned it was probably the most important of all safeguards. While wars could be won or lost, no ruling class could be completely irresponsible.

在过去的时代里，战争按其定义来说，迟早总要结束，一般非胜即败，毫不含糊。而且在过去，战争也是人类社会同实际现实保持接触的主要手段之一。历代的统治者都想要他们的人民对客观世界接受一种不符实际的看法，但是任何幻觉若有可能损害军事效能，他们决不能鼓励的。只要战败意味着丧失独立，或任何其他的一般认为不好的结果，就必须认真采取预防战败的措施。因此实际方面的事实不能视而不见。在哲学、宗教、伦理、政治方面，二加二可能等于五，但你在设计枪炮飞机时，二加二只能等于四。效能低劣的民族迟早要被征服，要提高效能，就不能有幻觉。此外，要有效能，必须能够向过去学习，这就需要对过去发生的事有个比较正确的了解。当然，报纸和历史书总带有色彩和偏见，但今天实行的那种伪造就不可能发生。

But when war becomes literally continuous, it also ceases to be dangerous. When war is continuous there is no such thing as military necessity. Technical progress can cease and the most palpable facts can be denied or disregarded. As we have seen, researches that could be called scientific are still carried out for the purposes of war, but they are essentially a kind of daydreaming, and their failure to show results is not important. Efficiency, even military efficiency, is no longer needed. Nothing is efficient in Oceania except the Thought Police. Since each of the three super-states is unconquerable, each is in effect a separate universe within which almost any perversion of thought can be safely practised. Reality only exerts its pressure through the needs of everyday life -- the need to eat and drink, to get shelter and clothing, to avoid swallowing poison or stepping out of top-storey windows, and the like. Between life and death, and between physical pleasure and physical pain, there is still a distinction, but that is all. Cut off from contact with the outer world, and with the past, the citizen of Oceania is like a man in interstellar space, who has no way of knowing which direction is up and which is down. The rulers of such a state are absolute, as the Pharaohs or the Caesars could not be. They are obliged to prevent their followers from starving to death in numbers large enough to be inconvenient, and they are obliged to remain at the same low level of military technique as their rivals; but once that minimum is achieved, they can twist reality into whatever shape they choose.

战争是保持神志清醒的可靠保障，就统治阶级而言，这也许是所有保障中最重要的保障。战争虽有胜负，但任何统治阶级都不能完全乱来。但是等到战争确实是名副其实的持续不断时，它也就不再有危险性了。战争持续不断后，就不再有军事必要性这种事情了。技术进步可以停止，最明显的事实可以否认或不顾。上面已经说过，够得上称为科学的研究工作仍在为战争目的而进行，但基本上是一种白日梦，它不能产生成效，但这并不重要。效能，甚至军事效能，都不再需要。在大洋国里，除了思想警察以外，没有任何事情是有效能的。这三个超级国家没有一个是可以征服的，因此，每一个国家实际上都是个单独的天地，怎么样颠倒黑白、混淆是非，都没有关系。现实仅仅通过日常生活的需要才使人感到它的压力，那就是吃饭喝水的需要，住房穿衣的需要，避免误喝毒药或失足掉下高楼等等的需要。在生与死之间，在肉体享受和肉体痛苦之间，仍有差别，但是仅此而已。大洋国公民与外界隔绝，与过去隔绝，就象生活在星际的人，分不清上下左右。这种国家的统治者是绝对的统治者，仿佛法老或凯撒。他们可不能让他们统治下的人民大批饿死，数目大到对自己不利的程度；他们也必须在军事技术上保持同他们敌手一样低的水平；但是一旦达到了最低限度，他们就可以随心所欲地歪曲现实。

The war, therefore, if we judge it by the standards of previous wars, is merely an imposture. It is like the battles between certain ruminant animals whose horns are set at such an angle that they are incapable of hurting one another. But though it is unreal it is not meaningless. It eats up the surplus of consumable goods, and it helps to preserve the special mental atmosphere that a hierarchical society needs. War, it will be seen, is now a purely internal affair. In the past, the ruling groups of all countries, although they might recognize their common interest and therefore limit the destructiveness of war, did fight against one another, and the victor always plundered the vanquished. In our own day they are not fighting against one another at all. The war is waged by each ruling group against its own subjects, and the object of the war is not to make or prevent conquests of territory, but to keep the structure of society intact. The very word 'war', therefore, has become misleading. It would probably be accurate to say that by becoming continuous war has ceased to exist. The peculiar pressure that it exerted on human beings between the Neolithic Age and the early twentieth century has disappeared and been replaced by something quite different. The effect would be much the same if the three super-states, instead of fighting one another, should agree to live in perpetual peace, each inviolate within its own boundaries. For in that case each would still be a self-contained universe, freed for ever from the sobering influence of external danger. A peace that was truly permanent would be the same as a permanent war. This -- although the vast majority of Party members understand it only in a shallower sense -- is the inner meaning of the Party slogan: War is Peace.

因此，按以前的战争标准来看，现在的战争完全是假的。这好象是两头反当动物，头上的角所顶的角度都不会使对方受伤。但是，尽管战争不是真的，却不是没有意义的。它耗尽了剩余消费品，这就能够保持等级社会所需要的特殊心理气氛。下文就要说到，战争现在纯粹成了内政。过去各国的统治集团可能认识到共同利益，因此对战争的毁灭性虽然加以限制，但还是互相厮杀的，战胜国总是掠夺战败国。而在我们的时代里，他们互相根本不厮杀了。战争是由一国统治集团对自己的老百姓进行的，战争的目的不是征服别国领土或保卫本国领土，战争的目的是保持社会结构不受破坏。因此，“战争”一词已名不符实。如果说战争由于持续不断已不复存在，此话可能属实。人类在新石器时代到二十世纪初期之间受到的这种特殊压力，现在已经消失，而由一种完全不同的东西所取代。如果三个超级国家互相不打仗，而同意永远和平相处，互不侵犯对方的疆界，效果大概相同。因为在那样情况下，每一国家仍是一个自给自足的天地，永远不会受到外来危险的震动。因此真正永久的和平同永久的战争一样。这就是党的口号“战争即和平”的内在含义，不过大多数党员对此了解是很肤浅的。

Winston stopped reading for a moment. Somewhere in remote distance a rocket bomb thundered. The blissful feeling of being alone with the forbidden book, in a room with no telescreen, had not worn off. Solitude and safety were physical sensations, mixed up somehow with the tiredness of his body, the softness of the chair, the touch of the faint breeze from the window that played upon his cheek. The book fascinated him, or more exactly it reassured him. In a sense it told him nothing that was new, but that was part of the attraction. It said what he would have said, if it had been possible for him to set his scattered thoughts in order. It was the product of a mind similar to his own, but enormously more powerful, more systematic, less fear-ridden. The best books, he perceived, are those that tell you what you know already. He had just turned back to Chapter I when he heard Julia's footstep on the stair and started out of his chair to meet her. She dumped her brown tool-bag on the floor and flung herself into his arms. It was more than a week since they had seen one another.

温斯顿暂停一下，没有继续读下去。远处不知什么地方爆发了一颗火箭弹。在一间没有电幕的屋子里一个人关起门来读禁书的世外桃源之感还没有消失。他的与众隔绝和安全的感觉里，还有点身体的乏意、沙发的软意、窗外吹进来的微风吻着他的面颊的痒意。这本书使他神往，或者更确切地说，使他感到安心。应该说，它并没有告诉他什么新的东西，但这却是吸引他的一部分原因。它说出了他要说的话，如果他能够把他的零碎思想整理出来的话，他也会这么说的。写这本书的人的头脑同他的头脑一样，只是比他要有力得多，系统得多，无畏得多。他觉得，最好的书，是把你已经知道的东西告诉你的书。他刚把书翻回到第一章就听到裘莉亚在楼梯上的脚步声，他站起来去迎接她。她把棕色的工具袋往地上一撂，投入了他的怀抱。他们距上次见面已有一个星期了。

'I've got the book,' he said as they disentangled themselves.

“我搞到那本书了，”他们拥抱了一会后松开时，他告诉她。

'Oh, you've got it? Good,' she said without much interest, and almost immediately knelt down beside the oilstove to make the coffee.

“哦，你搞到了吗？那很好，”她没有太多兴趣地说，马上蹲在煤油炉旁边做起咖啡来。

They did not return to the subject until they had been in bed for half an hour. The evening was just cool enough to make it worth while to pull up the counterpane. From below came the familiar sound of singing and the scrape of boots on the flagstones. The brawny red-armed woman whom Winston had seen there on his first visit was almost a fixture in the yard. There seemed to be no hour of daylight when she was not marching to and fro between the washtub and the line, alternately gagging herself with clothes pegs and breaking forth into lusty song. Julia had settled down on her side andseemed to be already on the point of falling asleep. He reached out for the book, which was lying on the floor, and sat up against the bedhead.

他们上了床半小时后才又回到了这个话题。夜晚很凉爽，得把床罩揭起来盖上身子。下面传来了听熟了的歌声和鞋子在地上来回的咔嚓声。温斯顿第一次见到的那个胳臂通红的结实的女人，几乎成了院子里必不可少的构成部分。白天里，不论什么时候，她总是在洗衣盆和晾衣绳之间来回，嘴里不是咬着晾衣夹子就是唱着情歌。裘莉亚躺在一边，快要睡着了。他伸手把撂在地上的书拾起来，靠着床头坐起来。

'We must read it,' he said. 'You too. All members of the Brotherhood have to read it.'

“我们一定要读一读，”他说。“你也要读。兄弟会的所有会员都要读。”

'You read it,' she said with her eyes shut. 'Read it aloud. That's the best way. Then you can explain it to me as you go.'

“你读吧，”她闭着眼睛说，“大声读。这样最好。你一边读可以一边向我解释。”

The clock's hands said six, meaning eighteen. They had three or four hours ahead of them. He propped the book against his knees and began reading:

时钟指在六点，那就是说十八点。他们还有三、四个小时。他把书放在膝上，开始读起来。

Chapter I

第一章

Ignorance is Strength

无知即力量

Throughout recorded time, and probably since the end of the Neolithic Age, there have been three kinds of people in the world, the High, the Middle, and the Low. They have been subdivided in many ways, they have borne countless different names, and their relative numbers, as well as their attitude towards one another, have varied from age to age: but the essential structure of society has never altered. Even after enormous upheavals and seemingly irrevocable changes, the same pattern has always reasserted itself, just as a gyroscope will always return to equilibnum, however far it is pushed one way or the other --

有史以来，大概自从新石器时代结束以来，世上就有三种人，即上等人、中等人、下等人。他们又再进一步分为好几种，有各种各样不同的名字，他们的相对人数和他们的相互态度因时代而异；但是社会的基本结构不变。即使在发生了大动荡和似乎无法挽回的变化以后，总又恢复原来的格局，好象陀螺仪总会恢复平衡一样，不管你把它朝哪个方向推着转。

'Julia, are you awake?' said Winston.

“裘莉亚，你没睡着吧？”温斯顿问。

'Yes, my love, I'm listening. Go on. It's marvellous.'

“没睡着，亲爱的，我听着。念下去吧。真精采。”

He continued reading:

他继续念道：

The aims of these three groups are entirely irreconcilable. The aim of the High is to remain where they are. The aim of the Middle is to change places with the High. The aim of the Low, when they have an aim -- for it is an abiding characteristic of the Low that they are too much crushed by drudgery to be more than intermittently conscious of anything outside their daily lives -- is to abolish all distinctions and create a society in which all men shall be equal. Thus throughout history a struggle which is the same in its main outlines recurs over and over again.

这三种人的目标是完全不可调和的。上等人的目标是要保持他们的地位。中等人的目标是要同高等人交换地位。下等人的特点始终是，他们劳苦之余无暇旁顾，偶而才顾到日常生活以外的事，因此他们如果有目标的话，无非是取消一切差别，建立一个人人平等的社会。这样，在历史上始终存在着一场一而再再而三发生的斗争，其大致轮廓相同。

For long periods the High seem to be securely in power, but sooner or later there always comes a moment when they lose either their belief in themselves or their capacity to govern efficiently, or both. They are then overthrown by the Middle, who enlist the Low on their side by pretending to them that they are fighting for liberty and justice. As soon as they have reached their objective, the Middle thrust the Low back into their old position of servitude, and themselves become the High. Presently a new Middle group splits off from one of the other groups, or from both of them, and the struggle begins over again.

在很长时期里，上等人的权力似乎颇为巩固，但迟早总有这样一个时候，他们对自已丧失了信心，或者对他们进行有效统治的能力丧失了信心，或者对两者都丧失了信心。他们就被中等人所推翻，因为中等人标榜自己为自由和正义而奋斗，把下等人争取到自己一边来。中等人一旦达到目的就把下等人重又推回到原来的被奴役地位，自己变成了上等人。不久，其他两等人中有一等人，或者两等人都分裂出一批新的中等人来，这场斗争就周而复始。

Of the three groups, only the Low are never even temporarily successful in achieving their aims. It would be an exaggeration to say that throughout history there has been no progress of a material kind. Even today, in a period of decline, the average human being is physically better off than he was a few centuries ago. But no advance in wealth, no softening of manners, no reform or revolution has ever brought human equality a millimetre nearer. From the point of view of the Low, no historic change has ever meant much more than a change in the name of their masters.

三等人中只有下等人从来没有实现过自己的目标，哪怕是暂时实现自己的目标。若说整个历史从来没有物质方面的进步，那不免言之过甚。即使在今天这个衰亡时期，一般人在物质上也要比几百年前好一些。但是不论财富的增长，或态度的缓和，或改革和革命，都没有使人类接近平等一步。从下等人的观点来看，历史若有变化，大不了是主子名字改变而已。

By the late nineteenth century the recurrence of this pattern had become obvious to many observers. There then rose schools of thinkers who interpreted history as a cyclical process and claimed to show that inequality was the unalterable law of human life. This doctrine, of course, had always had its adherents, but in the manner in which it was now put forward there was a significant change. In the past the need for a hierarchical form of society had been the doctrine specifically of the High. It had been preached by kings and aristocrats and by the priests, lawyers, and the like who were parasitical upon them, and it had generally been softened by promises of compensation in an imaginary world beyond the grave. The Middle, so long as it was struggling for power, had always made use of such terms as freedom, justice, and fraternity. Now, however, the concept of human brotherhood began to be assailed by people who were not yet in positions of command, but merely hoped to be so before long. In the past the Middle had made revolutions under the banner of equality, and then had established a fresh tyranny as soon as the old one was overthrown. The new Middle groups in effect proclaimed their tyranny beforehand. Socialism, a theory which appeared in the early nineteenth century and was the last link in a chain of thought stretching back to the slave rebellions of antiquity, was still deeply infected by the Utopianism of past ages. But in each variant of Socialism that appeared from about 1900 onwards the aim of establishing liberty and equality was more and more openly abandoned. The new movements which appeared in the middle years of the century, Ingsoc in Oceania, Neo-Bolshevism in Eurasia, Death-Worship, as it is commonly called, in Eastasia, had the conscious aim of perpetuating unfreedom and inequality. These new movements, of course, grew out of the old ones and tended to keep their names and pay lip-service to their ideology. But the purpose of all of them was to arrest progress and freeze history at a chosen moment. The familiar pendulum swing was to happen once more, and then stop. As usual, the High were to be turned out by the Middle, who would then become the High; but this time, by conscious strategy, the High would be able to maintain their position permanently.

到十九世纪末期，许多观察家都看出了这种反复现象。于是就出现了各派思想家，认为历史是一种循环过程，他们自以为能够证明不平等乃是人类生活的不可改变的法则。当然，这种学说一直不乏信徒，只是如今提法有了重要变化而已。在过去，社会需要分成等级是上等人的学说。国王、贵族和教士、律师等这类寄生虫都宣传这种学说，并且用在死后冥界里得到补偿的诺言使这个学说容易为人所接受。而中等人只要还在争取权力的时候，总是利用自由、正义、博爱这种好听的字眼。但是现在，这些还没有居于统率地位、但预计不久就可以居于统率地位的人，却开始攻击这种人类大同的思想了。在过去，中等人在平等的旗帜下闹革命，一旦推翻了原来的暴政，自己又建立了新的暴政。现在这种新的一派中等人等于是事先就宣布要建立他们的暴政。社会主义这种理论是在十九世纪初期出现的，是一条可以回溯到古代奴隶造反的思想锁链中的最后一个环节，它仍受到历代乌托邦主义的深深影响。但从1900年开始出现了各色各样的社会主义，每一种都越来越公开放弃了要实现自由平等的目标。在本世纪中叶出现的新的社会主义运动，在大洋国称为英社，在欧亚国称为新布尔什维主义，在东亚国一般称为崇死，其明确目标都是要实现不自由和不平等。当然，这种新运动产生于老运动，往往保持了老运动原来的招牌，而对于它们的意识形态只是嘴上说得好听而已。但是它们的目标都是在一定时候阻挠进步，冻结历史。常见的钟摆来回现象，会再次发生，然后就停止不动了。象过去一样，上等人会被中等人赶跑，中等人就变成了上等人；不过这次，出于有意的战略考虑，新的上等人将永远保持自己的地位。

The new doctrines arose partly because of the accumulation of historical knowledge, and the growth of the historical sense, which had hardly existed before the nineteenth century. The cyclical movement of history was now intelligible, or appeared to be so; and if it was intelligible, then it was alterable. But the principal, underlying cause was that, as early as the beginning of the twentieth century, human equality had become technically possible. It was still true that men were not equal in their native talents and that functions had to be specialized in ways that favoured some individuals against others; but there was no longer any real need for class distinctions or for large differences of wealth. In earlier ages, class distinctions had been not only inevitable but desirable. Inequality was the price of civilization. With the development of machine production, however, the case was altered. Even if it was still necessary for human beings to do different kinds of work, it was no longer necessary for them to live at different social or economic levels. Therefore, from the point of view of the new groups who were on the point of seizing power, human equality was no longer an ideal to be striven after, but a danger to be averted. In more primitive ages, when a just and peaceful society was in fact not possible, it had been fairly easy to believe it. The idea of an earthly paradise in which men should live together in a state of brotherhood, without laws and without brute labour, had haunted the human imagination for thousands of years. And this vision had had a certain hold even on the groups who actually profited by each historical change. The heirs of the French, English, and American revolutions had partly believed in their own phrases about the rights of man, freedom of speech, equality before the law, and the like, and have even allowed their conduct to be influenced by them to some extent. But by the fourth decade of the twentieth century all the main currents of political thought were authoritarian. The earthly paradise had been discredited at exactly the moment when it became realizable. Every new political theory, by whatever name it called itself, led back to hierarchy and regimentation. And in the general hardening of outlook that set in round about 1930, practices which had been long abandoned, in some cases for hundreds of years -- imprisonment without trial, the use of war prisoners as slaves, public executions, torture to extract confessions, the use of hostages, and the deportation of whole populations -- not only became common again, but were tolerated and even defended by people who considered themselves enlightened and progressive.

所以产生这种新的学说，一部分原因是历史知识的积累和历史意识的形成，而这在十九世纪以前是根本不存在的。历史的循环运动现在已明显可以识别，或者至少表面上是如此。如果可以识别，那就可以改变。但是主要的、根本的原因是，早在二十世纪初期，人类平等在技术上已可以做到了。按天赋来说各人不等，而且各有所长，有些人就比别人强些，此话固然仍旧不错，但是阶级区分已无实际必要，财富巨额差别也是如此。在以前的各个时代里，阶级区分不仅不可避免，而且是适宜的。不平等的是文明代价。但是由于机器生产的发展，情况就改变了。即使仍有必要让各人做不同的工作，却没有必要让他们生活于不同的社会或经济水平上。因此，从即将夺得权力的那批人的观点来看，人类平等不再是要争取实现的理想，而是要避免的危险。在比较原始的时代里，要建立一个公正和平的社会实际上是不可能的，但这种社会却是比较容易使人相信。好几千年以来人类梦寐以求的，就是实现一个人人友爱相处的人间天堂，既没有法律，也没有畜生一般的劳动。有些人纵使在每一次历史变化中都能得到实际好处，这种幻想对他们有一定的吸引力。法国革命、英国革命、美国革命的后代对于他们自己嘴上说的关于人权、言论自由、法律面前人人平等之类的话，有点信以为真，甚至让自己的行为在某种程度上也受到这些话的影响。但是到二十世纪四十年代，所有主要的政治思潮都成了极权主义的了。就在人世天堂快可实现的关头，它却遭到了诋毁。每种新的政治理论，不论自称什么名字，都回到了等级制度和严格管制。在1930年左右，观点开始普遍硬化的时候，一些长期以来已经放弃不用的做法，有些甚至已有好几百年放弃不用的做法，例如未经审讯即加监禁、把战俘当作奴隶使用、公开处决、严刑拷打逼供、利用人质、强制大批人口迁徙等等，不仅又普遍实行起来，而且也为那些自认为开明进步的人所容忍，甚至辩护。

It was only after a decade of national wars, civil wars, revolutions, and counter-revolutions in all parts of the world that Ingsoc and its rivals emerged as fully worked-out political theories. But they had been foreshadowed by the various systems, generally called totalitarian, which had appeared earlier in the century, and the main outlines of the world which would emerge from the prevailing chaos had long been obvious. What kind of people would control this world had been equally obvious. The new aristocracy was made up for the most part of bureaucrats, scientists, technicians, trade-union organizers, publicity experts, sociologists, teachers, journalists, and professional politicians. These people, whose origins lay in the salaried middle class and the upper grades of the working class, had been shaped and brought together by the barren world of monopoly industry and centralized government. As compared with their opposite numbers in past ages, they were less avaricious, less tempted by luxury, hungrier for pure power, and, above all, more conscious of what they were doing and more intent on crushing opposition.

只有在全世界各地经过十年的国际战争、国内战争、革命和反革命以后，英社和它的两个对手才作为充分完善的政治理论而出现。但是在它们之前，本世纪早一些时候就曾出现过一般称为集权主义的各种制度，经过当时动乱之后要出现的未来世界主要轮廓，早已很明显了。由什么样一种人来控制这个世界，也同样很明显。新贵族大部分是由官僚分子、科学家、技术人员、工会组织者、宣传专家、社会学家、教师、记者、职业政客组成的。这些人出身中产薪水阶级和上层工人阶级，是由垄断工业和中央集权政府这个贫瘠不毛的世界所塑造和纠集在一起的。同过去时代的对手相比，他们在贪婪和奢侈方面稍逊，但权力欲更强，尤其是对于他们自己的所作所为更有自觉，更是一心一意要打垮反对派。

This last difference was cardinal. By comparison with that existing today, all the tyrannies of the past were half-hearted and inefficient. The ruling groups were always infected to some extent by liberal ideas, and were content to leave loose ends everywhere, to regard only the overt act and to be uninterested in what their subjects were thinking. Even the Catholic Church of the Middle Ages was tolerant by modern standards. Part of the reason for this was that in the past no government had the power to keep its citizens under constant surveillance. The invention of print, however, made it easier to manipulate public opinion, and the film and the radio carried the process further. With the development of television, and the technical advance which made it possible to receive and transmit simultaneously on the same instrument, private life came to an end. Every citizen, or at least every citizen important enough to be worth watching, could be kept for twenty-four hours a day under the eyes of the police and in the sound of official propaganda, with all other channels of communication closed. The possibility of enforcing not only complete obedience to the will of the State, but complete uniformity of opinion on all subjects, now existed for the first time.

这最后一个差别极其重要。与今天的暴政相比，以前的所有暴政都不够彻底，软弱无能。过去的统治集团总受到自由思想的一定感染，到处都留有空子漏洞，只注意公开的动静，不注意老百姓在想些什么。从现代标准来看，甚至中世纪的天主教会也是宽宏大量的。部分原因在于过去任何政府都没有力量把它的公民置于不断监视之下。但是由于印刷术的发明，操纵舆论就比较容易了，电影和无线电的发明又使这更进一步。接着发明了电视以及可以用同一台电视机同时收发，私生活就宣告结束。对于每一个公民，或者至少每一个值得注意的公民，都可以一天二十四小时把他置于警察的监视之下，让他听到官方的宣传，其他一切交往渠道则统统加以掐断。现在终于第一次有了可能，不仅可以强使全体老百姓完全顺从国家的意志，而且可以强使全体老百姓舆论完全划一。

After the revolutionary period of the fifties and sixties, society regrouped itself, as always, into High, Middle, and Low. But the new High group, unlike all its forerunners, did not act upon instinct but knew what was needed to safeguard its position. It had long been realized that the only secure basis for oligarchy is collectivism. Wealth and privilege are most easily defended when they are possessed jointly. The so-called 'abolition of private property' which took place in the middle years of the century meant, in effect, the concentration of property in far fewer hands than before: but with this difference, that the new owners were a group instead of a mass of individuals. Individually, no member of the Party owns anything, except petty personal belongings. Collectively, the Party owns everything in Oceania, because it controls everything, and disposes of the products as it thinks fit. In the years following the Revolution it was able to step into this commanding position almost unopposed, because the whole process was represented as an act of collectivization. It had always been assumed that if the capitalist class were expropriated, Socialism must follow: and unquestionably the capitalists had been expropriated. Factories, mines, land, houses, transport -- everything had been taken away from them: and since these things were no longer private property, it followed that they must be public property. Ingsoc, which grew out of the earlier Socialist movement and inherited its phraseology, has in fact carried out the main item in the Socialist programme; with the result, foreseen and intended beforehand, that economic inequality has been made permanent.

在五十年代和六十年代的革命时期以后，社会象过去一样又重新划分为上等人、中等人、下等人三类。不过新的这类上等人同它的前辈不同，不是凭直觉行事，他们知道需要怎样来保卫他们的地位。他们早已认识到，寡头政体的唯一可靠基础是集体主义。财富和特权如为共同所有，则最容易保卫。在本世纪中叶出现的所谓“取消私有制”，实际上意味着把财产集中到比以前更少得多的一批人手中；不同的只是：新主人是一个集团，而不是一批个人。从个人来说，党员没有任何财产，有的只是一些微不足道的个人随身财物。从集体来说，大洋国里什么都是属于党的财产，因为什么都归它控制，它有权按它认为合适的方式处理产品。在革命以后的几年中，党能够踏上这个统率一切的地位，几乎没有受到任何反对，因为整个过程是当作集体化的一个步骤而采取的。一般都认为，在没收了资产阶级之后，必然就跟着实行社会主义。资产阶级毫无疑义地确实遭到了没收。工厂、土地、房屋、运输工具——都从他们手中夺走了；由于这些东西不再成为私有财产，那必然就是公有财产。英社是从以前的社会主义运动中产生的，它袭用了以前社会主义运动的词汇，因此，它在事实上执行了社会主义纲领中的主要一个项目，其结果是把经济不平等永久化了，这可以预见到，也是事先有意如此。

But the problems of perpetuating a hierarchical society go deeper than this. There are only four ways in which a ruling group can fall from power. Either it is conquered from without, or it governs so inefficiently that the masses are stirred to revolt, or it allows a strong and discontented Middle group to come into being, or it loses its own self-confidence and willingness to govern. These causes do not operate singly, and as a rule all four of them are present in some degree. A ruling class which could guard against all of them would remain in power permanently. Ultimately the determining factor is the mental attitude of the ruling class itself.

但是把等级社会永久化的问题却比这深刻得多。统治集团只有在四种情况下才会丧失权力：或者是被外部力量所征服；或者是统治无能，群众起来造反；或者是让一个强大而不满的中等人集团出现；或者是自己丧失了统治的信心和意志。这四个原因并不单个起作用，在某种程度上总是同时存在。统治阶级如能防止这四个原因的产生就能永久当权。最终的决定性因素是统治阶级本身的精神状态。

After the middle of the present century, the first danger had in reality disappeared. Each of the three powers which now divide the world is in fact unconquerable, and could only become conquerable through slow demographic changes which a government with wide powers can easily avert. The second danger, also, is only a theoretical one. The masses never revolt of their own accord, and they never revolt merely because they are oppressed. Indeed, so long as they are not permitted to have standards of comparison, they never even become aware that they are oppressed. The recurrent economic crises of past times were totally unnecessary and are not now permitted to happen, but other and equally large dislocations can and do happen without having political results, because there is no way in which discontent can become articulate. As for the problem of overproduction, which has been latent in our society since the development of machine technique, it is solved by the device of continuous warfare (see Chapter III), which is also useful in keying up public morale to the necessary pitch. From the point of view of our present rulers, therefore, the only genuine dangers are the splitting-off of a new group of able, under-employed, power-hungry people, and the growth of liberalism and scepticism in their own ranks. The problem, that is to say, is educational. It is a problem of continuously moulding the consciousness both of the directing group and of the larger executive group that lies immediately below it. The consciousness of the masses needs only to be influenced in a negative way.

在本世纪中叶以后，第一种危险在现实生活中确已消失。三个强国瓜分了世界，不论哪一国都不可征服，除非是通过人口数字上的缓慢变化，而政府只要有广泛的权力，这可以很容易加以避免。第二个危险也仅仅是理论上的危险。群众从来不会自动起来造反，他们从来不会由于身受压迫而起来造反。说真的，只要不给他们比较的标淮，他们从来不会意识到自己受压迫。过去时代反复出现的经济危机完全没有必要，现在不会允许发生，不过可能发生其他同样大规模的失调，而且也的确发生，但不会产生政治后果，因为不满情绪没有办法可以明确表达出来。至于生产过剩伺题，自从发明机器技术以来一直是我们社会的潜伏危机，但可以用不断战争的办法加以解决(见第三章)，为了把民众的斗志保持在必要的高度，这也很有用。因此，从我们目前的统治者的观点来看，唯一真正的危险是有一个新的集团分裂出去，这个集团的人既有能力，又没有充分发挥作用，因此权力欲很大；还有就是在统治者自己的队伍中产生自由主义和怀疑主义。这也就是说，问题是教育，是要对领导集团和它下面的人数更多的执行集团这两批人的觉悟不断地发挥影响。至于群众的觉悟只须在反面加以影响就行了。

Given this background, one could infer, if one did not know it already, the general structure of Oceanic society. At the apex of the pyramid comes Big Brother. Big Brother is infallible and all-powerful. Every success, every achievement, every victory, every scientific discovery, all knowledge, all wisdom, all happiness, all virtue, are held to issue directly from his leadership and inspiration. Nobody has ever seen Big Brother. He is a face on the hoardings, a voice on the telescreen. We may be reasonably sure that he will never die, and there is already considerable uncertainty as to when he was born. Big Brother is the guise in which the Party chooses to exhibit itself to the world. His function is to act as a focusing point for love, fear, and reverence, emotions which are more easily felt towards an individual than towards an organization. Below Big Brother comes the Inner Party, its numbers limited to six millions, or something less than 2 per cent of the population of Oceania. Below the Inner Party comes the Outer Party, which, if the Inner Party is described as the brain of the State, may be justly likened to the hands.

了解这个背景以后，对于大洋国社会的总结构，即使还没有了解，也可以由此作出推断。雄踞金字塔最高峰的是老大哥。老大哥一贯正确，全才全能。一切成就、一切胜利、一切科学发明、一切知识、一切智慧、一切幸福、一切美德，都直接来自他的领导和感召，没有人见到过老大哥。他是标语牌上的一张脸，电幕上的一个声音。我们可以相当有把握地说，他是永远不会死的，至于他究竟是哪一年生的，现在也已经有相当多的人感到没有把握了。老大哥是党用来给世人看到的自己的一个伪装。他的作用是充当对个人比较容易感到而对组织不大容易感到的爱、敬、畏这些感情的集中点。在老大哥之下是核心党，党员限在六百万人，即占大洋国人口不到百分之二。核心党下面是外围党，如果说核心党是国家的头脑，外围党就可以比作手。

Below that come the dumb masses whom we habitually refer to as 'the proles', numbering perhaps 85 per cent of the population. In the terms of our earlier classification, the proles are the Low: for the slave population of the equatorial lands who pass constantly from conqueror to conqueror, are not a permanent or necessary part of the structure.

外围党下面是无声的群众，我们习惯称为“无产者”，大概占人口百分之八十五。按我们上面分类的名称，无产者即下等人，因为赤道地带的奴隶人口由于征服者不断易手，不能算为整个结构中的固定部分或必要部分。

In principle, membership of these three groups is not hereditary. The child of Inner Party parents is in theory not born into the Inner Party. Admission to either branch of the Party is by examination, taken at the age of sixteen. Nor is there any racial discrimination, or any marked domination of one province by another. Jews, Negroes, South Americans of pure Indian blood are to be found in the highest ranks of the Party, and the administrators of any area are always drawn from the inhabitants of that area. In no part of Oceania do the inhabitants have the feeling that they are a colonial population ruled from a distant capital. Oceania has no capital, and its titular head is a person whose whereabouts nobody knows. Except that English is its chief lingua franca and Newspeak its official language, it is not centralized in any way. Its rulers are not held together by blood-ties but by adherence to a common doctrine. It is true that our society is stratified, and very rigidly stratified, on what at first sight appear to be hereditary lines. There is far less to-and-fro movement between the different groups than happened under capitalism or even in the pre-industrial age. Between the two branches of the Party there is a certain amount of interchange, but only so much as will ensure that weaklings are excluded from the Inner Party and that ambitious members of the Outer Party are made harmless by allowing them to rise. Proletarians, in practice, are not allowed to graduate into the Party. The most gifted among them, who might possibly become nuclei of discontent, are simply marked down by the Thought Police and eliminated. But this state of affairs is not necessarily permanent, nor is it a matter of principle. The Party is not a class in the old sense of the word. It does not aim at transmitting power to its own children, as such; and if there were no other way of keeping the ablest people at the top, it would be perfectly prepared to recruit an entire new generation from the ranks of the proletariat. In the crucial years, the fact that the Party was not a hereditary body did a great deal to neutralize opposition. The older kind of Socialist, who had been trained to fight against something called 'class privilege' assumed that what is not hereditary cannot be permanent. He did not see that the continuity of an oligarchy need not be physical, nor did he pause to reflect that hereditary aristocracies have always been shortlived, whereas adoptive organizations such as the Catholic Church have sometimes lasted for hundreds or thousands of years. The essence of oligarchical rule is not father-to-son inheritance, but the persistence of a certain world-view and a certain way of life, imposed by the dead upon the living. A ruling group is a ruling group so long as it can nominate its successors. The Party is not concerned with perpetuating its blood but with perpetuating itself. Who wields power is not important, provided that the hierarchical structure remains always the same.

在原则上，这三类人的身份不是世袭的。父母为核心党员，子女在理论上并不生来就是核心党员。加入核心党或外围党都需要经过考试，一般在十六岁时候进行。在种族上没有什么歧视，在地域上也没有什么偏重。在党内最高阶层中可以找到犹太人、黑人、纯印地安血统的南美洲人；任何地方的行政官员都总是从该地区居民中选拔。大洋国任何地方的居民都没有自己是殖民地人民、受远方首都治理的感觉。大洋国没有首都，它的名义首脑是个动向去处谁都不知道的人。除了英语是其重要混合语，新话是其正式语言以外，它没有任何其他集中化的东西。维系它的统治的，不是他们共同的血统，而是共同的信仰。不错，我国的社会是分阶层的，而且阶层分明，非常严格，乍看之下仿佛是按世袭的界线划分的。在不同集团之间，流动性远远不如资本主义制度或者前工业时代那么大。党的两大分支之间，有一定数量的流动，但其程度不大，足以保证质量低劣的人不会吸收到核心党里去，而外围党里有雄心壮志的人有向上爬的机会，但不致为害。在实际生活中，无产阶级者是没有机会升入党内的。他们中间最有天赋的人，若有可能成为不满的核心人物，则干脆由思想警察逐个消灭掉。不过这种情况不一定非永远如此不可，也不成为一种原则。党不是以前旧概念的一个阶级。它并不一定要把权力传给自己的子女；如果没有别的办法选拔最能干的人材担任最高领导工作，它完全愿意从无产阶级队伍中间选拔完全新的一代人来担任这一工作。在关键重大的年代里，由于党不是一个世袭组织，这对消除反对意见起了很大作用。老一辈的社会主义者一向受到反对所谓“阶级特权”的训练，都认为凡不是世袭的东西就不可能长期永存。他们没有看到，寡头政体的延续不一定需要体现在人身上；他们也没有想到，世袭贵族一向短命，而象天主教那样的选任组织有时却能维持好几百年或者好几千年。寡头政体的关键不是父子相传，而是死人加于活人身上的一种世界观，一种生活方式的延续。一个统治集团只要能够指定它的接班人就是一个统治集团。党所操心的不是维系血统相传而是维系党的本身的永存。由谁掌握权力并不重要，只要等级结构保持不变。

All the beliefs, habits, tastes, emotions, mental attitudes that characterize our time are really designed to sustain the mystique of the Party and prevent the true nature of present-day society from being perceived. Physical rebellion, or any preliminary move towards rebellion, is at present not possible. From the proletarians nothing is to be feared. Left to themselves, they will continue from generation to generation and from century to century, working, breeding, and dying, not only without any impulse to rebel, but without the power of grasping that the world could be other than it is. They could only become dangerous if the advance of industrial technique made it necessary to educate them more highly; but, since military and commercial rivalry are no longer important, the level of popular education is actually declining. What opinions the masses hold, or do not hold, is looked on as a matter of indifference. They can be granted intellectual liberty because they have no intellect. In a Party member, on the other hand, not even the smallest deviation of opinion on the most unimportant subject can be tolerated.

我们时代的一切信念、习惯、趣味、感情、思想状态，其目的都是为了要保持党的神秘，防止有人看穿目前社会的真正本质。目前不可能实际发生造反，或者造反的先声。从无产阶级那里，没有什么可以担心的。你不去惹他们，他们就会一代又一代地、一个世纪又一个世纪地做工、繁殖、死亡，不仅没有造反的冲动，而且也没有能力理解可以有一个不同于目前世界的世界。只有在工业技术的发展使得你必须给他们以较高的教育的时候，他们才会具有危险性；但是由于军事和商业竞争已不复重要，民众教育水平实际已趋下降。群众有什么看法，或者没有什么看法，已被视为无足轻重的事。因为他们没有智力，所以不妨给予学术自由。而在一个党员身上，哪怕在最无足轻重的问题上都不容有丝毫的不同意见。

A Party member lives from birth to death under the eye of the Thought Police. Even when he is alone he can never be sure that he is alone. Wherever he may be, asleep or awake, working or resting, in his bath or in bed, he can be inspected without warning and without knowing that he is being inspected. Nothing that he does is indifferent. His friendships, his relaxations, his behaviour towards his wife and children, the expression of his face when he is alone, the words he mutters in sleep, even the characteristic movements of his body, are all jealously scrutinized. Not only any actual misdemeanour, but any eccentricity, however small, any change of habits, any nervous mannerism that could possibly be the symptom of an inner struggle, is certain to be detected. He has no freedom of choice in any direction whatever. On the other hand his actions are not regulated by law or by any clearly formulated code of behaviour. In Oceania there is no law. Thoughts and actions which, when detected, mean certain death are not formally forbidden, and the endless purges, arrests, tortures, imprisonments, and vaporizations are not inflicted as punishment for crimes which have actually been committed, but are merely the wiping-out of persons who might perhaps commit a crime at some time in the future.

党员从生下来一直到死，都在思想警察的监视下生活。即使他在单独的时候，他也永远无法确知自己的确是单独一人。不论他在哪里，不论他在睡觉还是在醒着，在工作还是在休息，在澡盆里还是在床上，他都可能受到监视，事先没有警告，事后也不知自己已受到监视。他做的事情没有一件是可以放过的。他的友谊、他的休息、他对妻儿态度、他单独的时候的面部表情、他在睡梦中喃喃说的话、甚至他身体特有的动作，都受到严密考察。实际行为不端那就不用说了，而且不论多么细微的任何乖张古怪行为，任何习惯的变化，任何神经性习惯动作，凡是可以视为内心斗争的征象的，无不会受到察觉。他在任何方面都没有选择余地。另外一方面，他的行为并不受到任何法律或任何明文规定的行为法则管辖。大洋国内没有法律。有些思想和行为，如经察觉，必死无疑，但是并没有受到正式的取缔禁止，没完没了的清洗、逮捕、拷打、监禁、气化都不是当作犯了实际罪行的惩罚，而仅仅是为了把一些有朝一日可能犯罪的人清除掉。

A Party member is required to have not only the right opinions, but the right instincts. Many of the beliefs and attitudes demanded of him are never plainly stated, and could not be stated without laying bare the contradictions inherent in Ingsoc. If he is a person naturally orthodox (in Newspeak a goodthinker), he will in all circumstances know, without taking thought, what is the true belief or the desirable emotion. But in any case an elaborate mental training, undergone in childhood and grouping itself round the Newspeak words crimestop, blackwhite, and doublethink, makes him unwilling and unable to think too deeply on any subject whatever.

党员不仅需要有正确的观点，而且需要正确的本能。要求他必须具备的各种信念和态度，有许多从来没有向他明确说明过，而且若要明确说明，势必暴露英社固有的内在矛盾。如果他是个天生正统的人(新话叫思想好(goodthinker))，他不论在什么情况下想也不用想，都会知道，正确的信念应该是什么，应该有什么感情。反正，在儿童时代就受到以犯罪停止(crimestop)、黑白(blackwhite)、双重思想(doublethink)这样的新话词汇为中心的细致的精神训练，使他不愿意也不能够对任何问题有太深太多的想法。

A Party member is expected to have no private emotions and no respites from enthusiasm. He is supposed to live in a continuous frenzy of hatred of foreign enemies and internal traitors, triumph over victories, and self-abasement before the power and wisdom of the Party. The discontents produced by his bare, unsatisfying life are deliberately turned outwards and dissipated by such devices as the Two Minutes Hate, and the speculations which might possibly induce a sceptical or rebellious attitude are killed in advance by his early acquired inner discipline. The first and simplest stage in the discipline, which can be taught even to young children, is called, in Newspeak, crimestop. Crimestop means the faculty of stopping short, as though by instinct, at the threshold of any dangerous thought. It includes the power of not grasping analogies, of failing to perceive logical errors, of misunderstanding the simplest arguments if they are inimical to Ingsoc, and of being bored or repelled by any train of thought which is capable of leading in a heretical direction. Crimestop, in short, means protective stupidity. But stupidity is not enough. On the contrary, orthodoxy in the full sense demands a control over one's own mental processes as complete as that of a contortionist over his body. Oceanic society rests ultimately on the belief that Big Brother is omnipotent and that the Party is infallible. But since in reality Big Brother is not omnipotent and the party is not infallible, there is need for an unwearying, moment-to-moment flexibility in the treatment of facts. The keyword here is blackwhite. Like so many Newspeak words, this word has two mutually contradictory meanings.

对于党员，不要求他有私人的感情，也不允许他有热情的减退。他应该生活在对外敌内奸感到仇恨、对胜利感到得意、对党的力量和英明感到五体投地的那种狂热情绪之中。他对简单乏味的生活所产生的不满，被有意识地引导到向外发泄出来，消失在两分钟仇恨这样的花样上。至于可能引起怀疑或造反倾向的思想，则用他早期受到的内心纪律训练而事先就加以扼杀了。这种训练的最初和最简单的一个阶段，新话叫做犯罪停止(crimestop)，在孩子们很小的时候就可以进行。犯罪停止(crimestop)的意思就是指在产生任何危险思想之前出于本能地悬崖勒马的能力。这种能力还包括不能理解类比，不能看到逻辑错误，不能正确了解与英社原则不一致的最简单的论点、对于任何可以朝异端方向发展的思路感到厌倦、厌恶。总而言之，犯罪停止(crimestop)意味着起保护作用的愚蠢。但光是愚蠢还不够，还要保持充分正统，这就要求对自己的思维过程能加以控制，就象表演柔软体操的杂技演员控制自己身体一样。大洋国社会的根本信念是，老大哥全能，党一贯正确。但由于在现实生活中老大哥并不全能，党也并不一贯正确。这就需要在处理事实时要始终不懈地、时时刻刻地保持灵活性。这方面的一个关键字眼是黑白(blackwhite)。这个字眼象新话中的许多其他字眼一样，有两个相互矛盾的含义。

Applied to an opponent, it means the habit of impudently claiming that black is white, in contradiction of the plain facts. Applied to a Party member, it means a loyal willingness to say that black is white when Party discipline demands this. But it means also the ability to believe that black is white, and more, to know that black is white, and to forget that one has ever believed the contrary. This demands a continuous alteration of the past, made possible by the system of thought which really embraces all the rest, and which is known in Newspeak as doublethink.

用在对方身上，这意味着不顾明显事实硬说黑就是白的无耻习惯。用在党员身上，这意味着在党的纪律要求你说黑就是白时，你就有这样自觉的忠诚。但这也意味着相信黑就是白的能力，甚至是知道黑就是白和忘掉过去曾经有过相反认识的能力。这就要求不断窜改过去，而要窜改过去只有用那个实际上包括所有其他方法的思想方法才能做到；这在新话中叫做双重思想(doublethink)。

The alteration of the past is necessary for two reasons, one of which is subsidiary and, so to speak, precautionary. The subsidiary reason is that the Party member, like the proletarian, tolerates present-day conditions partly because he has no standards of comparison. He must be cut off from the past, just as he must be cut off from foreign countries, because it is necessary for him to believe that he is better off than his ancestors and that the average level of material comfort is constantly rising. But by far the more important reason for the readjustment of the past is the need to safeguard the infallibility of the Party. It is not merely that speeches, statistics, and records of every kind must be constantly brought up to date in order to show that the predictions of the Party were in all cases right. It is also that no change in doctrine or in political alignment can ever be admitted. For to change one's mind, or even one's policy, is a confession of weakness. If, for example, Eurasia or Eastasia (whichever it may be) is the enemy today, then that country must always have been the enemy. And if the facts say otherwise then the facts must be altered. Thus history is continuously rewritten. This day-to-day falsification of the past, carried out by the Ministry of Truth, is as necessary to the stability of the regime as the work of repression and espionage carried out by the Ministry of Love.

窜改过去所以必要，有两个原因。一个是辅助性的原因，也可以说是预防性的原因。那就是，党员所以和无产者那样能够容忍当前的生活条件，一部分原因是他没有比较的标准。为了要使他相信他比他的祖先生活过得好，物质生活平均水平不断地提高，必须使他同过去隔绝开来，就象必须使他同外国隔绝开来一样。但是窜改过去，还有一个重要得多的原因是，需要保卫党的一贯正确性。为了要让大家看到党的预言在任何情况下都是正确的，不仅需要不断修改过去的讲话、统计、各种各样的纪录，使之符合当前状况，而且不能承认在理论上或政治友敌关系上发生过任何变化。因为改变自己的思想，或者甚至改变自己的政策，无异承认自己的弱点。例如，如果今天的敌人是欧亚国或者东亚国(不论是哪一国)，那么那个国家都必须始终是敌人。如果事实不是如此，那么就必须窜改事实。这样历史就需要不断改写。由真理部负责的这种日常窜改伪造过去的工作，就象友爱部负责的镇压和侦察工作一样，对维持政权的稳定乃属必不可少的。

The mutability of the past is the central tenet of Ingsoc. Past events, it is argued, have no objective existence, but survive only in written records and in human memories. The past is whatever the records and the memories agree upon. And since the Party is in full control of all records and in equally full control of the minds of its members, it follows that the past is whatever the Party chooses to make it. It also follows that though the past is alterable, it never has been altered in any specific instance. For when it has been recreated in whatever shape is needed at the moment, then this new version is the past, and no different past can ever have existed. This holds good even when, as often happens, the same event has to be altered out of recognition several times in the course of a year. At all times the Party is in possession of absolute truth, and clearly the absolute can never have been different from what it is now.

窜改过去是英社的中心原则。这一原则认为，过去并不客观存在，它只存在于文字纪录和人的记忆中。凡是纪录和记忆一致的东西，不论什么，即是过去。既然党完全控制纪录，同样也完全控制党员的思想，那么党要过去成为什么样子就必然是什么样子。同样，虽然过去可以窜改，但在任何具体问题上都决不承认窜改过。因为，不论当时需要把它改成什么样子，在改以后，新改出来的样子就是过去；任何其他不同样子的过去都没有存在过。甚至在同一件事在一年之中得改了好几次而改得面目俱非时，也是如此。党始终掌握绝对真理，很明显，绝对的东西决不可能会不同于现在的样子。

It will be seen that the control of the past depends above all on the training of memory. To make sure that all written records agree with the orthodoxy of the moment is merely a mechanical act. But it is also necessary to remember that events happened in the desired manner. And if it is necessary to rearrange one's memories or to tamper with written records, then it is necessary to forget that one has done so. The trick of doing this can be learned like any other mental technique. It is learned by the majority of Party members, and certainly by all who are intelligent as well as orthodox. In Oldspeak it is called, quite frankly, 'reality control'. In Newspeak it is called doublethink, though doublethink comprises much else as well.

下文将要谈到，要控制过去首先要依靠训练记忆力。要做到所有的文字纪录都符合当前的正统思想，这样机械的事好办。但还需要使得大家对所发生的事的记忆也按所要求的样子。既然有必要改变一个人的记忆或者窜改文字记录，那末也就有必要忘掉你曾经那样做过。可以象学会其他思想上的手法一样学会这种手法。大多数党员和所有正统的和聪明的人都学会了这种手法。在老话中，这很老实地称为“现实控制”。在新话中这叫“双重思想”，不过“双重思想”所包括的还有很多别的东西。

Doublethink means the power of holding two contradictory beliefs in one's mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them. The Party intellectual knows in which direction his memories must be altered; he therefore knows that he is playing tricks with reality; but by the exercise of doublethink he also satisfies himself that reality is not violated. The process has to be conscious, or it would not be carried out with sufficient precision, but it also has to be unconscious, or it would bring with it a feeling of falsity and hence of guilt. doublethink lies at the very heart of Ingsoc, since the essential act of the Party is to use conscious deception while retaining the firmness of purpose that goes with complete honesty. To tell deliberate lies while genuinely believing in them, to forget any fact that has become inconvenient, and then, when it becomes necessary again, to draw it back from oblivion for just so long as it is needed, to deny the existence of objective reality and all the while to take account of the reality which one denies -- all this is indispensably necessary. Even in using the word doublethink it is necessary to exercise doublethink. For by using the word one admits that one is tampering with reality; by a fresh act of doublethink one erases this knowledge; and so on indefinitely, with the lie always one leap ahead of the truth. Ultimately it is by means of doublethink that the Party has been able -- and may, for all we know, continue to be able for thousands of years -- to arrest the course of history.

双重思想(doublethink)意味着在一个人的思想中同时保持并且接受两种相互矛盾的认识的能力。党内知识分子知道自己的记忆应向什么方向加以改变；因此他也知道他是在窜改现实。但是由于运用了双重思想，他也使自己相信现实并没有遭到侵犯。这个过程必须是自觉的，否则就不能有足够的精确性；但也必须是不自觉的，否则就会有弄虚作假的感觉，因此也有犯罪的感觉。双重思想是英社的核心思想，因为党的根本目的就是既要利用自觉欺骗，而同时又保持完全诚实的目标坚定性。有意说谎，但又真的相信这种谎言；忘掉可以拆穿这种谎言的事实，然后在必要的时候又从忘怀的深渊中把事实拉了出来，需要多久就维持多久；否认客观现实的存在，但与此同时又一直把所否认的现实估计在内——所有这一切都是绝对必要的，不可或缺。甚至在使用双重思想这个字眼的时候也必须运用双重思想。因为你使用这个字眼就是承认你在窜改现实；再来一下双重思想，你就擦掉了这个认识；如是反复，永无休止，谎言总是抢先真理一步。最后靠双重思想为手段，党终于能够抑制历史的进程，而且谁知道呢，也许还继续几千年有这能力。

All past oligarchies have fallen from power either because they ossified or because they grew soft. Either they became stupid and arrogant, failed to adjust themselves to changing circumstances, and were overthrown; or they became liberal and cowardly, made concessions when they should have used force, and once again were overthrown. They fell, that is to say, either through consciousness or through unconsciousness. It is the achievement of the Party to have produced a system of thought in which both conditions can exist simultaneously. And upon no other intellectual basis could the dominion of the Party be made permanent. If one is to rule, and to continue ruling, one must be able to dislocate the sense of reality. For the secret of rulership is to combine a belief in one's own infallibility with the Power to learn from past mistakes.

过去所有的寡头政体所以丧失权力，或者是由于自己僵化，或者是由于软化。所谓僵化，就是它们变得愚蠢和狂妄起来，不能适应客观情况的变化，因而被推翻掉。所谓软化，就是它们变得开明和胆怯起来，在应该使用武力的时候却作了让步，因此也被推翻掉了。那就是说，它们丧失权力或者是通过自觉，或者是通过不自觉。而党的成就是，它实行了一种思想制度，能够使两种情况同时并存。党的统治要保持长久不衰，没有任何其他的思想基础。你要统治，而且要继续统治，你就必须要能够打乱现实的意识。因为统治的秘诀就是把相信自已的一贯正确同从过去错误汲取教训的能力结合起来。

It need hardly be said that the subtlest practitioners of doublethink are those who invented doublethink and know that it is a vast system of mental cheating. In our society, those who have the best knowledge of what is happening are also those who are furthest from seeing the world as it is. In general, the greater the understanding, the greater the delusion; the more intelligent, the less sane. One clear illustration of this is the fact that war hysteria increases in intensity as one rises in the social scale. Those whose attitude towards the war is most nearly rational are the subject peoples of the disputed territories. To these people the war is simply a continuous calamity which sweeps to and fro over their bodies like a tidal wave. Which side is winning is a matter of complete indifference to them. They are aware that a change of overlordship means simply that they will be doing the same work as before for new masters who treat them in the same manner as the old ones. The slightly more favoured workers whom we call 'the proles' are only intermittently conscious of the war. When it is necessary they can be prodded into frenzies of fear and hatred, but when left to themselves they are capable of forgetting for long periods that the war is happening. It is in the ranks of the Party, and above all of the Inner Party, that the true war enthusiasm is found. World-conquest is believed in most firmly by those who know it to be impossible. This peculiar linking-together of opposites -- knowledge with ignorance, cynicism with fanaticism -- is one of the chief distinguishing marks of Oceanic society. The official ideology abounds with contradictions even when there is no practical reason for them. Thus, the Party rejects and vilifies every principle for which the Socialist movement originally stood, and it chooses to do this in the name of Socialism. It preaches a contempt for the working class unexampled for centuries past, and it dresses its members in a uniform which was at one time peculiar to manual workers and was adopted for that reason. It systematically undermines the solidarity of the family, and it calls its leader by a name which is a direct appeal to the sentiment of family loyalty. Even the names of the four Ministries by which we are governed exhibit a sort of impudence in their deliberate reversal of the facts. The Ministry of Peace concerns itself with war, the Ministry of Truth with lies, the Ministry of Love with torture and the Ministry of Plenty with starvation. These contradictions are not accidental, nor do they result from ordinary hypocrisy; they are deliberate exercises in doublethink. For it is only by reconciling contradictions that power can be retained indefinitely. In no other way could the ancient cycle be broken. If human equality is to be for ever averted -- if the High, as we have called them, are to keep their places permanently -- then the prevailing mental condition must be controlled insanity.

不用说，双重思想最巧妙的运用者就是发明双重思想、知道这是进行思想欺骗的好办法的那些人。在我们的社会里，最掌握实际情况的人也是最不是根据实际看待世界的人。总的来说，了解越多，错觉越大；人越聪明，神志越不清醒。关于这一点，有一个明显的例子：你的社会地位越高，战争歇斯底里越甚。对于战争的态度最最近乎理性的是那些争夺地区的附属国人民。在他们看来，战争无非是一场继续不断的灾祸，象潮汐一样在他们身上淹过去又淹过来。哪一方得胜对他们毫无相干。他们只知道改朝换代不过是为新的主子干以前同样的活，新主子对待他们与以前的主子并无差别。我们称为“无产者”的那些略受优待的工人只是偶尔意识到有战争在进行。必要的时候可以驱使他们发生恐惧和仇恨的狂热，但是如果听之任之，他们就会长期忘掉有战争在进行。只有在党内，尤其在核心党内才能找到真正的战争热情。最坚决相信要征服全世界的人，是那些知道这是办不到的人。这种矛盾的统一的奇怪现象——知与无知，怀疑与狂热——是大洋国社会主要特点之一。官方的意识形态中充满了矛盾，甚至在没有实际理由存在这种矛盾的地方，也存在这种矛盾。例如，社会主义运动原来所主张的一切原则，党无不加以反对和攻击，但又假社会主义之名，这么做，党教导大家要轻视工人阶级，这是过去好几百年来没有先例的，但是又要党员穿着一度是体力工人才穿的制服，所以选定这种服装也是由于这个缘故。党有计划地破坏家庭关系，但是给党的领导人所起的称呼又是直接打动家庭感情的称呼。甚至统治我们的四个部的名称，也说明有意歪曲事实之厚颜无耻到了什么程度。和平部负责战争，真理部负责造谣，友爱部负责拷打，富裕部负责挨饿。这种矛盾不是偶然的，也不是出于一般的伪善，而是有意运用双重思想。因为只有调和矛盾才能无限止地保持权力。古老的循环不能靠别的办法打破。如果要永远避免人类平等，如果我们所称的上等人要永远保持他们的地位，那么目前的心理状态就必须加以控制。

But there is one question which until this moment we have almost ignored. It is; why should human equality be averted? Supposing that the mechanics of the process have been rightly described, what is the motive for this huge, accurately planned effort to freeze history at a particular moment of time?

但是写到这里为止有一个问题我们几乎没有注意到，那就是：为什么要避免人类平等？如果说上述情况不错的话，那么这样大规模地、计划缜密地努力要在某一特定时刻冻结历史的动机又是什么呢？

Here we reach the central secret. As we have seen, the mystique of the Party, and above all of the Inner Party, depends upon doublethink. But deeper than this lies the original motive, the never-questioned instinct that first led to the seizure of power and brought doublethink, the Thought Police, continuous warfare, and all the other necessary paraphernalia into existence afterwards. This motive really consists... .

这里我们就接触到了中心秘密。上面已经谈到，党的神秘，尤其是核心党的神秘，取决于双重思想。但是最初引起夺取政权和后来产生双重思想、思想警察、不断战争、以及其它一切必要的附带产物的，还有比这更加深刻的原始动机，从不加以坏疑的本能。这个动机实际上包括……

Winston became aware of silence, as one becomes aware of a new sound. It seemed to him that Julia had been very still for some time past. She was lying on her side, naked from the waist upwards, with her cheek pillowed on her hand and one dark lock tumbling across her eyes. Her breast rose and fell slowly and regularly.

温斯顿发现四周一片沉寂。就好象你突然发现听到一种新的声音一样。他觉得裘莉亚躺着一动不动已有很长时候了。她侧身睡着，腰部以上裸露着，脸颊枕在手心上，一绺黑发披在眼睛上。她的胸脯起伏缓慢，很有规律。

'Julia'.

“裘莉亚。”

No answer.

没有回答。

'Julia, are you awake?'

“裘莉亚，你醒着吗？”

No answer. She was asleep. He shut the book, put it carefully on the floor, lay down, and pulled the coverlet over both of them.

没有回答。她睡着了。他合上书，小心地放在地上，躺了下来，把床罩拉上来把两人都盖好。

He had still, he reflected, not learned the ultimate secret. He understood how; he did not understand why. Chapter I, like Chapter III, had not actually told him anything that he did not know, it had merely systematized the knowledge that he possessed already. But after reading it he knew better than before that he was not mad. Being in a minority, even a minority of one, did not make you mad. There was truth and there was untruth, and if you clung to the truth even against the whole world, you were not mad. A yellow beam from the sinking sun slanted in through the window and fell across the pillow. He shut his eyes. The sun on his face and the girl's smooth body touching his own gave him a strong, sleepy, confident feeling. He was safe, everything was all right. He fell asleep murmuring 'Sanity is not statistical,' with the feeling that this remark contained in it a profound wisdom. 

他心里想，他还是没有了解到最终的那个秘密。他知道了方法，但是他不知道原因。第一章象第三章一样，实际上并没有告诉他什么他所不知道的东西，只不过是把他已经掌握的知识加以系统化而已。但是读过以后，他比以前更加清楚，自己并没有发疯。居于少数地位，哪怕是一个人的少数，也并不使你发疯。有真理，就有非真理，如果你坚持真理；哪怕全世界都不同意你，你也没有发疯。西沉的夕阳的一道黄色光芒从窗户中斜照进来，落在枕头上。他闭上了眼睛。照在他脸上的落日余辉和贴在他身边的那个姑娘的光滑的肉体，给了他一种强烈的、睡意朦胧的、自信的感觉。他很安全，一切太平无事。他一边喃喃自语“神志清醒不是统计数字所能表达的”，一边就入睡了，心里感到这句话里包含着深刻的智慧。